DIODORUS OF SICILY
IN TWELVE VOLUMES XI
FRAGMENTS OF BOOKS XXI-XXXII
WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY FRANCIS R. WALTON
GENNADIUS LIBRARY, ATHENS
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD
CONTENTS
PAGE INTRODUCTION . . . - . .
SIGLA. s s e b œ
FRAGMENTS OF BOOKS XXI—-XXXUI . . è . 1 INDICES— 1. INDEX OF PERSONS . . . . .. .. . 459
2. INDEX OF AUTHORS CITED . . . . . 46i
3. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX e e a . . . 462
MAP OF SICILY . ei. . e . . . Atend
INTRODUCTION
Tne last twenty books (XXI-XL) of the Library of History begin with the battle of Ipsus, fought in 301 B.C., and in their original complete form carried the account down to the author’s own day, closing with the events of 61/0 B.c.!* Though Diodorus is now held in scant esteem as a historian—in marked con- trast to his high repute in the XVIth century—, and though his work is admittedly derivative in character and hence of uneven worth, depending on the relia- bility of his sources, still the loss sustained by the disappearance of these books is scarcely to be measured in terms of their intrinsic merit. Had they survived intact, they would have given us, as nothing now does, a single, continuous, and detailed narrative of events in the whole Mediterranean world during two and a half crucial centuries, and a historical per- spective that we now sadly lack. As it is, no more than a fraction of the original survives, mostly in brief excerpts or, occasionally, in longer but freely condensed paraphrase. Even these sorry fragments, however, preserve the record of many incidents other-
1 The last narrative fragment (Book 40. 5a) preserved concerns the Catilinarian Conspiracy, 63 s.c. For a discus- sion of the conflicting evidence on the terminal date of the work, and the possibility that Diodorus originally intended to carry it on to 46/5 B.c., see Oldfather’s Introduction to Vol. I, pp. xiv-xv, xviii-xix.
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wise unknown or give us a glimpse of historical traditions different from those that were destined to prevail.
By far the greater part of the fragments come from the historical anthologies compiled in the Xth century for Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, though of the fifty-three original collections only four are preserved : the Excerpta de Legationibus (IIepì mper- Bev), de Virtutibus et Vitis (Ilepì àperhs kaì kakias), de Insidiüs (Ilep imıBovàðv karà Pariàkov yeyovviðv), and de Sententiis (Ilepì yvwpôv, or, better, Iep yvu- pikôv drosto paTov), each including some passages from Diodorus. Next in importance come the frag- ments from Books XXI-XXVI known as the Eclogae Hoeschelianae, and the relatively long extracts from XXXI-XL preserved in the Bibliotheca (or Myriobib- lion) of Photius. Finally, there are the miscellaneous fragments drawn from the Church Fathers or from writers of the Byzantine period, of which those found in Georgius Syncellus are the most significant, those from Tzetzes the most exotic.
These sources preserve or reflect the text of Diodorus with varying degrees of fidelity. The most reliable are the Constantinian collections, as can readily be seen by comparing their excerpts from the surviving books with the originals. The procedure followed by the excerptors was quite simple. From the complete text they selected the passages appro-
1 This collection is divided into two parts : Ilept mpeoßeðv ‘Pwpaiwv mpòs éfvixoús, which contains only one passage (31. 15. 2) from Diodorus, and Ilep mpeofesv evõv mpos ‘Pwpaiovs.
2 Boissevain, in his apparatus criticus to the De Sententiis, conveniently records all the excerptor’s departures from the standard text.
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priate to their several rubrics, and these they copied out substantially as they stood, omitting whatever seemed irrelevant to their purpose (with or without careful bridging of the gap), and resorting occasion- ally to mere paraphrase of the original. As they had little interest in history as such, but only in the lessons of history, they would prefix to each selection no more than a summary indication of the situation, often with scant attention to grammatical niceties.!? For the reconstruction of the lost books it is of capital importance that in each of these collections the ex- cerpts invariably appear in proper sequence, accord- ing to the original, though unfortunately without indication of the original division into books.
The Hoeschel fragments are quite different in character, and are almost certainly independent of the Constantinian collections. Here the division by books is indicated, and the selection of material was made along different lines, the primary interest of the editor being in the march of events rather than the isolated exemplum.? Above all there was a keen interest in Sicilian affairs,’ evidenced in particular by several lengthy passages of considerable historical importance, which in form, however, are clearly summaries of the original account rather than ver- batim extracts. Unfortunately, the carelessness or ineptitude of the compiler was such that his bar-
1 Striking examples of careless introductions are found iù 23. 11, 27. 4. 8, and 27.11. See below, p. xviii.
2 Here too, however, there are many sententiae, and some curious correspondences with the De Sententiis (cp. 21. 21. 9-10 and 23. 15. 10-12) may suggest that the Hoeschel ex- cerptor was familiar with that collection.
3 The pronounced emphasis on Sicily points to that island as the probable place of origin for the compilation.
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barous style often obscures or even distorts the nar- rative. Where, as in 22, 1. 2-3, we can set his account of events side by side with a Constantinian passage, it is possible to see how far the distortion has gone, but very often no such control exists.
Many of the Photian fragments are likewise con- densations of the original text, as can be seen by comparing the long narrative of the First Servile Revolt (34/5. 2. 1-24) with the scattering of parallel passages (ibid. 24b-48) from the Constantinian col- lections. Here again the historian must reckon with the possibility of distortion or over-simplification, but there is always at least the compensation that in such summaries we have a complete and connected story, not merely a series of isolated scenes torn from their context. The material selected by Pho- tius is rich in interest, notably his accounts of the Jews in Books XXXIV/XXXV and XL, and he is again helpful in determining the division of the later books, despite some confusion in the recorded attri- bution by books, either on his part or that of later copyists.
HoisToRY OF THE FRAGMENTS
The history of the several groups of fragments under consideration, though not without interest and significance, may here be recounted briefly. The first to be discovered were some-of the excerpts made by Photius, which appeared, partly in Greek and partly in Latin, in the first complete edition of Diodorus, that of H. Stephanus (Geneva, 1559). L. Rhodoman, whose reprint of Stephanus’ text with a Latin translation (Hanau, 1604) was to remain for nearly a hundred and fifty years the standard edition x
INTRODUCTION
of Diodorus, included these fragments as given by Stephanus, but also, despite some repetition, added an appendix containing the Photian excerpts in their entirety.'
Meanwhile, in 1582, Fulvius Ursinus (Orsino) had published at Antwerp part of the Constantinian De Legationibus, Diodorus included.? It is hard not to believe that Rhodoman knew of this edition, especi- ally since he gave some assistance to Hoeschel when the latter published the rest of the collection, under the title Eclogae Legationum, at Augsburg in 1603. But whatever the reason for his oversight, Rhodoman failed to include these fragments in his edition, and it remained for Wesseling to unite them with the full text of Diodorus.
As an appendix to his Eclogae Legationum Hoeschel also published the fragments of Diodorus that are now known by his name. A year later, in substanti- ally the same form, but now accompanied by a Latin translation, a brief commentary, and a list of correc- tions, they were reprinted by Rhodoman in his 1604 edition of Diodorus. Hoeschel, in his Preface, makes
1 The full text of the Bibliotheca had been published by David Hoeschel at Augsburg in 1601. Rhodoman mentions this edition at one point in his Preface and (inconveniently) keys his notes to its pages rather than his own. Though I have not seen the Augsburg edition I assume, therefore, that Rhodoman used it for his text. It is curious, however, that in the Preface he thanks, not his friend Hoeschel, but Abra- ham Drentwedius of Augsburg for making the Photian excerpts available to him—whether by gift of a manuscript or of the printed volume he does not say.
2 Some of the emendations ascribed to Ursinus are cer- tainly by Ant. Augustinus, archbishop of Tarragona, who had had a MS. in his own possession copied and sent to Ursinus with his annotations (see de Boor’s edition of the Eec. de Legationibus, Preface, pp. xiii-xiv).
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only this statement concerning the fragments : “ His corollarium addidimus Eclogas librorum Diodori Siculi amissorum, quas e Codice Ludovici Alemanni Florentini doctiss. R. Thomson Anglus mecum amice communicavit.” In the same year, however, he wrote to a friend, commending Rhodoman “ qui suam mihi åyxívorav kal eùrroyíav probavit in libro rperfeðv rép quod constabit, cum notas edidero[;} nunc enim textus, quem vocant, impressus est modo.” 1 Since the promised Notes never ap- peared, the exact relationship of the two editors remains an unresolved problem, though Rhodoman consistently speaks as if he alone were responsible for all the emendations to the text, those that appear in the margin of both editions no less than the ones found only in his notes. As a purely arbitrary solu- tion to the problem I have attributed to both men the marginal emendations, to Hoeschel alone the changes indicated in the text proper, and of course to Rhodoman alone those that appear only in his commentaries. After 1604 no more is heard either of the original manuscript or of Thomson’s copy of it. Thus the two editions, of 1603 and 1604, haye for us the value of manuscripts, and the text of Hoeschel is cited in the critical notes as H, that of Rhodoman, wherever it shows a significant variant, as ed. Rhod.
In 1634 H. Valesius (Valois) published, from a manuscript (P) purchased in Cyprus for Nicolaus Peirescius in 1627, the text of the collection De Virtu- tibus et Vitiis. In the interim the manuscript was for a while in the hands of Claudius Salmasius (Saul-
1 Quoted by Wesseling in his Praefatio (but with a comma after edidero).
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maise), who copied parts of it and made many emen- dations to the text. This copy was discovered by Büttner-Wobst in the Bibliothèque Nationale (Codex Parisinus 2550), and since time and neglect have caused the Peirese manuscript to deteriorate, the copy is not only of some importance for the actual text, but also attests Salmasius’ prior claim to many emendations made independently by Valesius and others later.
The next important contribution came more than a century later, when Petrus Wesseling produced his great edition in two folio volumes (Amsterdam, 1746). This edition, which is still fundamental to all students of Diodorus, not least for its copious and illuminating annotations, brought together all of Diodorus that was then known, and Wesseling himself collected and added a number of isolated fragments found in later authors.
The collection De Sententiis was discovered by Car- dinal Angelo Mai in a Vatican palimpsest (V), and published by him in 1827, in Scriptorum veterum nova collectio e Vaticanis codicibus edita, vol. II. Unfortu- nately the chemicals that he used on the manuscript to bring out the original text have wrought serious damage. Nonetheless Boissevain, by diligent inspec- tion of the manuscript over a period of five months, was able to recover numerous true readings where Mai and others had failed. Thanks to his. efforts; therefore, the present edition offers an improved text of these fragments that differs in many instances from the standard text of Dindorf’s Teubner edition.
The last major discovery, that of the Ezcerpta de Insidiis, followed hard upon Mai’s publication of V. The Escorial manuscript (S), which is our sole source
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here for Diodorus and for most of the other authors represented in the collection, was copied in 1830 by C. Aug. L. Feder. For some reason, however, it was not until 1848 that he first published, at Darmstadt, a part of the text, including the extracts from Diodorus.! Jn the same year, at Paris, the Escorial fragments of Polybius, Diodorus, and Dionysius were brought out by Carolus Mueller in vol. II of the Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, apparently from a copy he himself had made of the manuscript. Neither edition, however, was conspicuous for its ` accuracy, and it was again not until 1905, with de Boor’s edition of the entire collection, that a sound text for this portion-of Diodorus became available. The rest of the story is one not of discovery but of consolidation. In this sphere the chief contributor was Ludwig Dindorf, who between 1826 and 1868 brought out four separate editions of Diodorus, and whose services, especially as regards Books XXI-XL, entitle him to be ranked beside Wesseling himself. Of these editions the second, third, and fourth are still of great value.? The second (Dindorf*), pub- lished by Hartmann at Leipzig, 1828-1831, is indeed indispensable for the fragments, since it is the only complete edition with critical apparatus; unfortu- nately it is rare and difficult to come by. Although the collections of fragments were here still printed as separate units, as in the Wesseling edition, a table was now provided (vol. ii. 2, pp. 213-245) to show their arrangement in chronological order. Dindorf 1 I have seen and used only the reprint of 1849, which lacks the Latin translation of the 1848 edition. 2 Pace F. Vogel who, speaking to be sure primarily of
Books VI-X (in vol. ii of his Teubner edition. p. vii), mini- mizes Dindorf’s work on the fragments.
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also made many additions to the section of miscel- laneous fragments and did much to improve and elucidate the text of V, just published by Mai.
The third edition (Paris: Didot, 1842-1844), though based on a new recension of the Greek text by Dindorf, was actually the work of Mueller,! who for the first time arranged the fragments chrono- logically and by books, and provided the Latin trans- lation (for the most part ultimately the work of Rhodoman).
Finally, Dindorf re-edited the text for the Teubner series (Leipzig, 1866-1868), keeping Mueller’s chrono- logical arrangement ? of Books XXI-XL, but adding the Escorial fragments, and incorporating many emendations of his own and of other recent scholars, notably Herwerden. Since the Vogel-Fischer edition was never carried beyond Book XX, Dindorf! has remained the standard text for Books XXI-XL, and it is therefore all the more regrettable that Dindorf did not here provide a critical apparatus.?
Since Dindorf’s day the chief contribution to the study of the fragments is the splendid critical edition
1 For convenience’ sake this edition is cited simply as Dindorf’, without mention of Mueller. And, in fact, though the chronological disposition of the fragments, the major contribution of this edition, was Mueller’s work, the ground- work for this had been laid by Dindorf, in the table men- tioned above.
ż The numbering of the fragments is for the most part the same, since the new fragments were generally fitted into place as supplementary chapters (e.g. chap. 5a between chap. 5 and chap. 6), but enough changes were made tọ make it unsafe to cite by the Didot numbers.
3 Bekker’s Teubner edition of Diodorus (1853-1854), though the first to include the Escorial fragments (here
printed as a separate appendix), gives no critical notes for Books XXI-XL, and has little value,
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of the Constantinian corpus, published at Berlin by Weidmann (1903-1910), under the general title Excerpta historica iussu Imp. Constantini Porphyrogeniti confecta. The volumes relevant to Diodorus are the following :
I Excerpta de Legationibus, ed. C. de Boor, 1903. II Excerpta de Virtutibus et Vitiis, pars I, ed. T. Büttner-Wobst, 1906. III Excerpta de Insidiis, ed., C. de Boor, 1905. IV Excerpta de Sententiis, ed. U. P. Boissevain, 1906.
Though the avowed aim in this series was to recover the text of the Byzantine excerptors, rather than that of the original authors, the editors have placed in their debt all students of classical as well as Byzan- tine Greek. And for the fragments of Diodorus their care in recording the readings of the manuscripts has made possible a much improved text, above all in the De Sententiis and the De Legationibus.
Tue Present EDITION
It is now a century and a quarter since the last critical edition of the fragments of Books XXI-XL was published, and neither that edition (Dindorf?) nor the Excerpta Historica are readily available. Had the Vogel-Fischer edition of Diodorus gone on to include these books, taking account of the improved text of the Constantinian collections, it might have been practicable to accept it as a standard text, which could be reproduced with a minimum of change. As it is, no single edition can now be regarded as “ standard,’ and though the editor has leaned xvi
INTRODUCTION
heavily on Dindorf*, it seems essential to justify the text now presented by providing a much fuller critical apparatus than is customary in this series.
In general, it has been my intention to record all significant variations from the manuscript readings. But obvious or routine corrections—of accents, marks of breathing, augments—and minor changes in ortho- graphy + have as a rule been made tacitly. So also with some more substantial changes where there seemed no possibility of doubt as to their correctness. On the other hand, a number of inconsistenoies in orthography ? have been allowed to stand, though Dindorf in his final edition tended nearly always to standardize the spelling.
Since the evidence for the text of most of the fragments is in each case only a single manuscript, the amount of emendation and correction required is inevitably large. Nevertheless, the text presented here is essentially conservative. Occasional Byzan- tine forms, such as karamtwĝelons (26. 8) and êlôeiv (31. 8. 5), have been allowed to remain, and likewise some Byzantine constructions. Especially in the non- Constantinian passages, where the text is more often a paraphrase than a faithful transcript, attempts to make the Greek conform to Diodorean usage are both misguided and futile. The Hoeschel excerptor, for example, freely uses the genitive absolute where a circumstantial participle, agreeing with its noun, would be in order, as at 23. 19: toù è aroàúravros
1 e.g. Meoońvy for Merry (passim) or Kevropirmivaw for Kevropinmivwv (22. 13. 1).
2 e.g. Baňarrokparoúvraw side by side with Îaàdoons (23. 2. 1), Kapapívas and Kapapirs (23. 18. 1), mõv and vev, and variant forms of the name Syracuse, including even Zupakóoios and Zupakovoios together in 21. 16. 5,
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. . . dméoTeev ó àpxwv. This may at times (as perhaps here) be the result of hasty and careless condensation, and occasionally at such places (e.g. 22. 10. 1) I have ventured to indicate a lacuna. But on the whole it is both safer and simpler to accept the construction as it stands, recognizing it as character- istic of the excerptor’s own inelegant style. Emenda- tion seems equally out of place where, in the Constan- tinian passages, the Byzantine editor has imperfectly adapted his introduction to the text proper. So at 22. 6. 2 the editorial “Or. Húppos ó Barıàeùs is fol- lowed by eireîv, which probably stood in the original text and if so was needlessly emended by Dindorf to emev. Again, at 23. 2, the words “Ori Poivixes Kal ‘Pouaîot vavpaxýoravres, though effectively explicit as to the situation, accord ill with the following participle and verb, which refer to the Carthaginians aloņe. As a final example we may cite 27. 11: "Or: ot Kapynðóvior orToĝeias éureroúrys oi kayértar TÔV roMTõv krÀà. Here again Dindorf emends, reading toîs Kapxņŝovíors, although it seems evident that the words ot Kapxnõóviot were added by the excerptor, concerned only to make clear to his readers who these otherwise unidentified kayéxrai were.
In preparing this edition I have relied entirely upon the printed record, and have not re-examined the manuscripts. Since the Constantinian collections have been well and critically edited,* and the manu- script of the Hoeschel fragments is now lost, it is perhaps only in the case of Photius, last edited by
1 Rarely, as twice in 27. 7, the critical edition differs from the Vulgate without the fact being noted or explained. In such cases, and wherever else it is uncertain if a given
reading was intended by the editor, the reading in question is designated as “ ed. Büttner-Wobst,” “ ed. Wesseling,” ete.
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I. Bekker (Berlin, 1824-1825), that a fresh study of the manuscripts might have produced significant results. For Suidas I have used the Adler edition (Leipzig, 1928-1938). Other minor sources are cited by the last available editions, which in each case are identi- fied in the notes on their first appearance.
Dindorf+ has long been the standard edition by which the fragments of Books XXI-XL are cited. For this reason it seemed desirable at all costs to preserve the long-familiar numbering of the frag- ments, by book, chapter, and paragraph, as found there. Fortunately the work of Mueller and Dindorf in arranging the fragments has on the whole stood the test of time, though in the light of our present historical knowledge some changes were obviously called for. Yet to renumber completely, in accor- dance with some new arrangement of the fragments, seemed certain to lead to unnecessary confusion, as has notoriously been the case with the fragmentary books of Polybius. Under the circumstances, there- fore, it seemed best to make only such changes in order as were, in the editor’s judgement, imperative,! but to keep the Dindorf+ numbering intact. Obvi- ously such a compromise solution entails some incon- venience, but it is hoped that this has been minimized by full cross-references given before and after the relocated passages.?
1 But such a passage as 22. 5, for instance, was not transposed, since its exact date is not certain; it could, however, and perhaps should, stand somewhat later in the book, either after chap. 7 or after chap. 9.
2 In addition, some passages printed separately by Dindorf have been combined, whenever fragments from different sources could be reconciled or fitted together (e.g. 26. 11, where three separate fragments overlap; 32. 9d and
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An effort has been made to date the fragments as accurately as possible, and where a precise year could not be assigned to a passage, an indication of the possible limits is usually given, either in the margin or in the notes. Diodorus, here as earlier in his work, followed the annalistic pattern, and since the Constantinian excerpts appear to reflect the original order with complete fidelity,! it is generally possible to obtain at least approximate dates even for events not otherwise recorded or for which the other evidence is not decisive.? To a lesser degree this principle of arrangement and dating applies also to the Hoeschel and Photius fragments, though some of the long narratives in each, being compilations rather than actual excerpts, may obscure the original order by bringing together related events from the accounts of several years.
`A comparison of my marginal dates and the dates given in the Argumenta Librorum of Dindorf! will show many changes. Some of the new dates may be regarded as securely established, others will no doubt have to be modified as further evidence is forthcoming. For the Roman chronology I have relied chiefly upon T. R. S. Broughton’s invaluable Magistrates of the Roman Republic (New York, 1951-1952), while for the Greek world the single most helpful work was 10. 1) The most extensive re-arrangement of this sort occurs at 23. 15 (=23. 14. 3-4 and 15 Dind.)}, where much unnecessary duplication has been eliminated.
1 See the notes on 29. 10 and 29. 9, where Mueller and Dindorf disregarded the evidence of the manuscript. ;
2 So 24. 10, on the capture of Hecatompylus, and 24. 12, on the cruelty of Regulus’ widow, can be dated to the period 247-241 B.C., since the passages (24. 5 and 25. 2. 1) that
recede and follow them in the Exe. de Virtutibus can be ated, and accordingly set the limits.
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B. Niese’s Geschichte der griechischen und makedoni- schen Staaten (Gotha, 1893-1903), which, thougli now outdated in part, is still the only broad study that takes account of and attempts to place all recorded events of the period.
My footnotes, though necessarily more ample than in the earlier volumes of Diodorus in this series, have been kept as brief as possible. The primary purpose throughout has been to provide the reader, chiefly by the identification of names and the citation of parallel passages in other authors, with the means of setting each fragment against its historical back- ground. Nor are the citations from other historians intended to be complete, and in general preference has been given to authors earlier than Diodorus, especially Polybius, who was one of his chief sources for Books XXII-XXXII.
Obviously, the notes could not attempt to provide a full commentary, though such a work would be desirable. The annotations of the Wesseling edition, which incorporate the more important notes of pre- ceding editors, still constitute the only substantial commentary available. Dindorf? reprints these, with his own notes to the Vatican fragments (V) and some slight additions, while for the De Insidiis there are only the brief notes of Feder and of Mueller. Book XXXVII, so far as it deals with the Marsie War, was edited with a commentary by Krebs (Weilburg, 1862).
ew other works of some importance may also be mentioned. Of translations the most useful is the German version of J. F. Wurm (Stuttgart, 1827- 1840), whose interpretations and occasional emenda- tions of the text have been unduly neglected. H. van
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Herwerden’s Spicilegium Vaticanum (Leyden, 1860) deals primarily with the text of V, which he had himself re-examined, but also provides a running commentary, almost entirely textual, on many of the other fragments as well. Though intolerant of the work of others and not infrequently perverse in his own interpretations, Herwerden yet contributed much to the study of the fragments. Slighter con- tributions, again mostly textual, were made by Reiske, Hertlein, Madvig, Kallenberg, and Cobet, and there have been a number of studies devoted to the question of the sources used by Diodorus. Except, however, for the incidental and scattered remarks of some historians, relatively little sustained attention has been paid since Wesseling’s day to the actual content of these later books.?
Tue MANUSCRIPTS
The manuscript basis for what little has been pre- served of Books XXI-XL is extremely slight. The four Constantinian collections—and only four out of fifty-three survived at all, it may be remembered— seem each to have survived to the revival of learning in only a single exemplar. Two late and imperfect copies exist of the De Insidits, both from a single arche- type, only one of which, however, contains the frag- ments from Diodorus. Of the De Legationibus there are a number of manuscripts, but all again are late copies (none earlier than the late XVIth century) of a single earlier manuscript now lost. This original had been bequeathed to the Escorial library by Juan
1 I haye discussed a number of passages, including (from
the present volume) 24. 1. 2,25. 8, 25. 19, 29. 13, and 29. 27, in 4.J.P. 11 (1956), 274-281, 408-414.
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de Paez and perished there by fire in 1671. None of the copies has individual authority, and since it has not been found necessary to cite them except by their consensus (represented by the siglum O), it may suffice to refer for a detailed description of each to de Boor’s Introduction, pp. ix-xvi.
The Hoeschel fragments, as stated earlier, come from a manuscript now lost, which is represented for us only by the printed texts of Hoeschel and Rhodo- man. These have been carefully collated for the present edition.
The Photius fragments present a more serious problem. It is now known that all extant manu- scripts of the Bibliotheca derive from two extant manuscripts, the tenth-century Codex Marcianus Ven. 450 (A), and the eleventh-century Codex Marcianus Ven. 451 (M). Bekker fortunately relied chiefly on A, which represents by far the better tradition. Of the three other manuscripts used by him, B is in fact only a copy of A and its variants are therefore to be classed either as errors or as the scribes’ own conjectures. Bekkers C and D (the latter actually a mere copy of C) are poor and late representations of the M tradition, but M itself has never, so far as I know, been utilized for the text of Diodorus. Ideally, the present text should have been based on personal inspection of both A and M, but the editor’s regret that this was not done is at least tempered by the pronouncements of A. Severyns? on the decided inferiority of the M tradition.
Where it has been necessary to cite the manu-
1 Recherches sur la Chrestomathie de Proclus. Première partie : Le codex 239 de Photius, vol. i (Liège, 1938), pp. 374, 379.
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scripts for the minor fragments, the standard sigla for each author are used.
It remains to express my deep gratitude to the many colleagues who have generously given me assistance and advice. Above all, my thanks are due to my good friends and former teachers L. A. Post and A. D. Nock, the one, for services far beyond the call of editorial duty, the other, for his detailed and critical examination of my entire manuscript. Nearly every page owes something to each, and the occa- sional emendations of the Greek text credited to them represent only a small part of their real con- tribution. Professor T. R. S. Broughton allowed me to consult him repeatedly on problems of chronology and Roman history, and also read through the entire work, partly in proof and partly in manuscript. Through the courtesy of Professor Albert Wifstrand, who copied out for me his marginalia on these books, it has been possible to improve a number of passages in the text with his unpublished emendations. At my request Dom Anselmo M. Albareda, O.S.B., Pre- fect of the Vatican Library, kindly examined pages 353-354 of Codex Vaticanus Graecus LXXIII (V); unfortunately not a word could now be deciphered there, even with the help of ultra-violet rays. Others to whom I am indebted for help include Professors Maurice T. Avery, Benedict Einarson, Willy Pere- mans, H. C. Youtie, and Mr. V. G. Peterson. The Research Council of Florida State University gener- ously provided a grant for assistance in reading proof on'this volume. To all these and the many others who are not named I offer my warmest thanks.
Francis R. WALTON FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY April 1957 xxiv
w >
SIGLA
EcLoGaE PHOTIANAE
Codex Venetus Marcianus 450, saec. X. Codex Parisiensis Regius 1266.
EcLoGAE HOESCHELIANAE
Lost ʻoriginal, represented by the printed texts of Hoeschel (1603) and Rhodoman (1604).
EXCERPTA CONSTANTINIANA
Consensus of the best copies (or descendants) of the lost Codex Scorialensis I O 4. Excerpta de Legationibus.
Codex Turonensis C 980 (“ Peirescianus ”), saec, XI. Excerpta de Virtutibus et Vitiis.
Codex Scorialensis 2 I 11, saec. XVI. Excerpta de Insidiis.
Codex rescriptus Vaticanus Graecus LXXIII, saec. X/XI. Excerpta de Sententiis.
XXV
THE LIBRARY OF HISTORY OF
DIODORUS OF SICILY
FRAGMENTS OF BOOKS XXI-XXXII
AIOAQPOYT
TOY ZIKEAIQTOY
BIBAIOQHKHÈ IZTOPIKHÈ
FRAGMENTA LIBRI XXI
1. 4a. Iâcav èv kakiav hevkréov oT? Toîs voôv 4 t hi 4 À + y e hJ 8 ` čyovot, pdMora è rùv mÀcovegiav' aŭrņ yàp Šıà TÌv èk To ovupépovros ¿riða mpokañovpévy Toà- Àoùs mpòs dòikiav peyiorwv kakv alria yiverat roîs àvôðpónois. ò kal pnTpóros ooa tôv 3 7 ? # A LÀ. a dÀÀà b3 a ååinuárwv, où. póvov Toîs bTas AÀÀà kal Toîs peyiorois TÕv Baoiiéwv moàààs kal peyádas dr- epyátera* ovugopás.
(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 343-344; Exc. Hoesch. p. 489 W.)
Chap. 1. 4b : see below, after Chap. 1. 3.
1 "Ore `Avriyovos ó Baoideds éé Diorrov yevóuevos Suvvdorns Kal màcîorov ioygóoas tôv kaf abròv Baoiàéwv oùk ùpkéoðy rais mapà rtis TúXNS Swpeais, AAN èmpadópevos tàs TÕv wv Bacı- àcias eis aúròv dðikws nmepiorioat Tv iav > f. 2 A Ld 4 A A, ? A8 ånéßaev dpxův dpa kal toô Giv èorephbn.
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 252.) 2
THE LIBRARY OF HISTORY OF
DIODORUS OF SICILY
FRAGMENTS OF BOOK XXI
1. 4a. All vice should be shunned by men of intel- 801 s.c.
ligence, but especially greed, for this vice, because of the expectation of profit, prompts many to injustice and becomes the cause of very great evils to mankind. Hence, since ít is a very metropolis 1 of unjust acts, it brings many great misfortunes not only on private citizens but even on the greatest kings.?
King Antigonus, who rose from private station to high power and became the mightiest king of his day, was not content with the gifts of Fortune, but under- took to bring unjustly into his own hands the king- doms of all the others ; thus he lost his own dominion and was deprived of life as well.
1 For this favourite metaphor see note in Vol. I, p. 8, and cp. Book 25. 1.
2 This fragment, Dindorf’s 1. 4a (known to him only from H), has been placed here, since it precedes 1. 2 in V and
seems to be prefatory to the whole account of Antigonus I’s death in the battle of Ipsus.
1 èpyáčeræ V (but cp. Book 25. 1). In H modìàs .. . ovp-
. $opås precedes où uóvov, above.
3
DIODORUS OF SICILY
2 "Or Ilroàepaîos! kal Xéàcvkos kat Avoipayos l4 32792739 l kl LA $ kg cvvéðpapov ém ’Avriyovov tòv Bacıàéa’ où% oŬtTws únò rs mpòs AÀAÀýàovs eùvoias mpokànhévres, ðs únò roô kaf’ éavroùs ġóßov ovvavaykaoĝbévres Öppnoav éToipws mpòs Tv TÕv wv kowonrpayiav. e e + e3? Ld ` E Ori oi éàépavres ot ° Avriyóvov Kat Avoiudyov katà rùv páxņ? Hywvigovro ws äv ris púoews 3 + + 3 a 4 E4 bi y ig epapiàov eðwkvias aùroîs rhv dàkìv kal Biav. (Const. Eze. 4, p. 844.) 3 [Merà òè rara mposeàbóvrwv aùr rôv Xaà- alwv Kal mpoàeyóvrwv ws, el rov Pédevkov èk tv xeapðv aphoe, ovppýoera tv T ’Aciav nâocav úroyeipiov yevéoðar kal aùròv ’Avriyovov êv Tf mpòs èkeîvov maparáčeı kataortpéßew TÒv Biov . . . où perpiws èkwýin .. . kararàayeis Tò ačlwua TÕv avõpðv. . . . Õokoðor ğè kal Aet- 2 A kg A 3 Fa ávðpæw npoerewv öte mapeàbav cis Baßvàðva rte- ÀcuTýoet. .óuoiws è T mepi `Adeéávðpov mpoppýoet ovvéßņ kal rhv mepi Leňeúkov Tede- alvar karà tràs rÕôv dvðpðv tTrovrwv damoġdoets' mepi s TÀ katà pépos èpoðpev, rav èri Toùs oikeiovs ypóvovs èmßBañwpeba.] (Diodorus, 19. 55. 7-9.) Chap. 1. 4a : see above, before Chap. 1. 1. 4b ʻO ’Avriyovos ó ßPacıàeùs `Acias rtéooapot Pacideow ópovońoacı modeuýoas, Tiroàepaiw m + > $ yY A 2 TÔ Adyov Aiyurriww õvre Paoi, Bedeúkw Bafvàwviwv,* Avoudyw Opgkôv, Kaodrõpw TÔ ’Avrirárpov Makcõðovias, kal páyyv ovváas, Toà- A l4 hj 3 t bj + m doîs Béàeor rpwleis avnpély kal árrerar Baciu
1 d after IIroàepaîos deleted by Mai.
BOOK XXI. 1. 2—4b
Ptolemy, Seleucus, and Lysimachus united against King Antigonus ; not so much prompted by good- will towards one another as compelled by the fears each had for himself, they moved readily to make common cause in the supreme struggle.
In the battle, the elephants of Antigonus and Lysimachus fought as if nature had matched them equally in courage and strength.
[After this * certain Chaldaeans approached Anti- gonus and prophesied that if he should let Seleucus out of his grasp, it would come to pass that all Asia would be made subject to Seleucus, and that Anti- gonus himself would die in battle against him. . .. This stirred 'him deeply . . . for he was impressed by the reputation that the men enjoyed. . . . They are in fact reputed to have prophesied to Alexander that if he entered Babylon, he would die. And just as in the case of Alexander, it came about that the prophecy concerning Seleucus was fulfilled according to the pronouncements of these men. Of this pro- phecy we shall speak in detail when we come to the proper period.]
Antigonus, king of Asia, made war against a coalition of four kings, Ptolemy, son of Lagus, king of Egypt, Seleucus, king of Babylonia, Lysimachus, king of Thrace, and Cassander, son of Antipater, king of Macedonia. When he engaged them in battle, he was pierced by many missiles, and his body was carried from the field and was buried with royal
1 For the context see Vol. IX, p. 383. The date is 316 B.c.
2 karà tġv páxņv precedes °Avriyóvov in V ; transposed by Dindorf. i
3 oi after moàeuhoas deleted by Hoeschel.
4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Bafvàwvi H.
VOL. XI B 5
DIODORUS OF SICILY
Tiu. © Sè vios aùro Anuýrpios oùv TÅ unTpl aùroô Erparoviky ciearpıpoúon mept Kidıkiav oùv Toîs yphuaoci mow ënmÀevoev eis Bañauiva Tis Kúrpov ià Tò raréyeoĝßðar rò AnunrTpiov. (Exc. Hoesch. p. 489 W.) 5 "Ori Léievukos uera thv Siaipeoiw ris ° Avriyóvov Bacideias dvañaßov rùv Súvapıv mapeyévero els Dowikyv kal êreyeipnoe kard tàs yevopévas ovv- Oras rův Koiànv Zvupiav idiororeîohar. mpokare- Aņdóros ðè tàs èv aùr módes Ilroàepaiov Kal katnyopoðvros ôtı hios œv Léňevkos mpooeðégaro Tùv úro Ilroàepatov osav ywpav eis Thv iÔiav kæraraylvat pepiða, mpòs è roúrois ört To moàéuov ToD mpòs `AvTiyovov KEKOWWWVNKÓTOS oùôèv aùr® peréðwkav oi Baordeîs ris Õopikrýrov xópas, mpòs Traŭras Tàs taßoàas dvreîre Léievros pápevos ikuov elvat Toùs TÅ mapardet kparý- gavras .kupiovs úmrmdpyew TÖV ĞopıkTÁÝTWV, Tepl Sè ris Koiàns Eupias Sià Thv hiàlav ènt toô map- óvros unòèv movnrpaypovýoew,* Ùorepov è fov- Acúoeola nôs ypnoréov oriv rõv piàwv rToîs Povàopévors mÀcovertetv. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 344.) 6 [Où uiv moàúv ye xpóvov avvéßn pevar TÀ TOÀV, Zedeúkov kaleàóvros arv kal petayayóvros em Tv rriobetoav èv ùr aùroĝ, am ekeivov Õè ràn- beîoav Zedeúrerav. AÀÀà mepi èv Toúrwv årpißôs ékaoTta ÒnÀboouev ér. Toùs oikelovs ypóvovs mapa- yevnbévres.] (Diod. 20. 47. 6.)
1 So Dindorf: moàvrpaypovĵoai V. 2 So Dindorf: Bovňeúcacða: V.
BOOK XXI. 1. 4b-6
honours. His son Demetrius,! however, joining his mother Stratonicê, who had remained in Cilicia with all their valuables, sailed to Salamis in Cyprus, since it was in his possession.
As for Seleucus, after the partition of the kingdom of Antigonus, he took his army and went to Phoenicia, where, in accordance with the terms of the agree- ment,? he endeavoured to appropriate Coelê Syria. But Ptolemy had already occupied the cities of that region, and was denouncing Seleucus because, al- though he and Ptolemy were friends, Seleucus had accepted the assignment to his own share of a district that was already subject to Ptolemy ; -in addition, he accused the kings of giving him no part of the conquered territory, even though he had been a partner in the war against Antigonus. To these charges Seleucus replied that it was only just that those who were victorious on the battlefield ? should dispose of the spoils; but in the matter of Coelê Syria, for friendship’s sake he would not for the present interfere, but would consider later how best to deal with friends who chose to encroach.
[It so happened, however, that the city * did not long abide, for Seleucus tore it down and transferred its population to the city that he had founded and called Seleuceia after himself. But as for these matters, we shall set them forth exactly and in de- tail when we come to the proper period.]
1 Demetrius I (Poliorcetes). Plutarch (Demetrius, 30) gives a different account of his movements.
2 On the disputed terms of this agreement see Polybius, 5.67. ° Ptolemy had not, in fact, taken part in the battle.
4 Antigoneia on the Orontes. Seleuceia, infra, is probably an error of the historian for Antiocheia: see the note ad loc. in Vol. X.
7
c, 800 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
Et Trw nepionovðacrov ravras (se. tràs èk Tis “Edos évraðla oraàcicas droikias) eiðévar, iotróőpnra nmepiépyws Erpáßwve TÔ yewypápw, Dàéyovri te kal Aroðwpw T èk Likelas ...
(Evagrius, Ecclesiastical History, 1. 20. 275.5)
2. “Ori Képrvpa nmooprovpévn màot kat meti? únò Kasdávðpov Bacıiàéws Mareðóvwv, kat éroipn ooa dàwbñva, úno ` Ayabokàéovs Paciàéws Lire- àias êppúoðn, rv vnôv rôv Mareðovkâv ånacôv éumpnobeocðv.? (Exc. Hoesch. pp. 489-490 W.)
2 “Yreppoàùv yàp ékdrepoi hidotiuias où karé- Arov, ot èv Makesoves gnevðovres coa TAS vaðs, ot i Sè ZireNÕðro Bovàóuevor uÀ póvov Kapy- Soviwv kal TÕV kKaTÀ TÙV 'Iradíav Pappápwv Tepi- yevéoðat Šokeîv, dààà kal mepi rv “Edda bewpnhivar kpeirrovs övres*t Makeðóvav trôv rv ’Aciav kal rhv Eùprmnv nerormpévwv opiktTov.
3 "Or 'Ayaloràñs ci èv arofipdoas riv úvajuv emikerpévois Toîs moepiois erélero, karékopev äv paðiws roùs Makreðdvas: dyvohoas Sè riv yeyevn- Lévy npocayyeàiav kal rv ëkmànéw trõv avbpæ- mwv hpkéoðn thv ðóvapuv ánoßıßáoas kal TPóTaov oroas Sradaßeîv Andi TÒV àóyov civar ÖTL ToÀÀd keva? To moàépov. dyvora yap kal ånárn Toà- Adris oùk àdTrw’ karepydgerai Tis èv Toîs ômTÀois évepyecias.
(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 344-345 ; modd kevà .. . èv- epycias, Exc. Hoesch. p. 490 W.)
3. “Ori mapayevņleis êmi rò karaàeihphèv? otpa- Tóneðov Ayaloràñs perà Trùv èk Kepkúpas úno-
1 Ed. Bidez and Parmentier, London, 1898.
BOOK XXI. 1. 6—3. 1
If anyone is eager to know about the colonies sent out to this region t from Greece, there are painstaking accounts of the matter by Strabo the geographer, Phlegon, and Diodorus of Sicily.
2. When Corcyra was being besieged on land and sea by Cassander, king of Macedonia, and was on the point of capture, it was delivered by Agathocles, king of Sicily, who set fire to the entire Macedonian fleet.
The utmost spirit of rivalry was not lacking on either side, for the Macedonians were bent on saving their ships, while the Siceliotes wished not only to be regarded as victors over the Carthaginians and the barbarians of Italy, but also to show themselves in the Greek arena as more than a match for the Mace- donians, whose spears had subjugated both Asia and Europe.
Had Agathocles, after landing his army, attacked the enemy, who were near at hand, he would easily have crushed the Macedonians ; but since he was ignorant of the message that had been received and of the consternation of the men, he was satisfied, after landing his forces, to set up a trophy, and thus to prove the truth of the proverb, “ Many are the futilities of warfare.” For misapprehension and deceit often accomplish as much as armed action.
3. When, on his return from Corcyra, Agathocles rejoined the army that he had left behind, and
1 The reference is to Antioch of Syria. Cp. Strabo, 749-750.
2 So Wesseling: meti H. For màot kal metl Hoeschel, Rhodoman suggest mÀoiors ral meķoîs.
3 So Rhodoman: ¿urpnobyoðv H.
4 So Dindorf: ..ras V. 5 Kavà V. € éarrov H.
7 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman: rv. . . évép pyeias HV.
8 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman: xaraàņygôèr H
299/8 B-C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
arpopýv, kal mvlópevos! rovs Te Aíyvas Kral roùs Tuppnvoùs Tapaywððs anyTykévar Toùs probos Tòv viòv aùroð `Ayálapyov katà Tv &movoiav aùroð,” mavras anéohačev, oùk éàdarrovs övras? rv ĝo- yiiwv. rv ðè Bperriwv doTpiws Õıà rara mpòs aùròv ĝiarelévrwv, êreyelpnoe mooprkioat mów òvopačopévnv ”HÂas. rv è Papßpapwv àpo- advTæv peyáànv Šúvav kal VUKTÒS ANPOTÕOKÜTWS enileuévwv aùT®, dnéßade OTpaTDTAS TETpAKLO- xıdiovs, kal oûrws ènravĵàbev cis Dupakócas. (Exc. Hoesch. p. 490 W ; "Ori . . . &ioyiàiwv (in part), Const. Exe. 2 (1), pp. 252-253 = Chap. 3. 2 Dind.) 4. "Orie ‘Ayaboràñs ràs vavrkàs Ŝvvápes dlpoicas Siéràcvoev eis `Iraàiav. cravooŬvpevos êm Kpórwvos arpareúew, Qéàwv aùriyw mod- opro, npòs Mevéðnpov ròv Kporaviárýv Túpav- vov, éavroð piov õvra, émeppev ayyeàrapópor? uù Bopußeîchaı aùròv pevððs, Advacoav tùv Ovya- répa Àéywv mépmew mpòs tùy ”Hrepov èm tòv yáuov, arów kekoounuévyv Baciùik®, kal oŭrws dmarýoas eÛpev åverTolpovs. elta ToMNopkýoas aro
faàdoons cis Odàacoav mepiéßae Teixn, kal Sia,
7 $ a i 1 2 merpoßóov kal iopvxs Tòv péyiorov olkov
1 To this point P has only "Or: ° Ayaforàñs nuhóuevos.
2 mulópevos . . . åmovaiav aòroô] The text of H is corrupt : móðw pèv roùs repyvas xal roùs (omitted in P) rvppexoùs (omit- ting Tapaywððs) dmyvryrévai aùroùs pabwroùs Tòv viðv aùroð (omitted in P) ’Apxáyaßov ( Ayáðapxov P) xai Tùy drovoiav aùrñs.
3 H omits õvraş.
4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : moMopreýoas H.
5 Qéowv . . . moMoprĵoa transposed by Post from a posi- tion after pevõôs, below.
8 čmemjev àyyeňaġópov] So Hoeschei, Rhodoman : méppas aèràiaġopov H, fißpàcagópov Herwerden, Dindorf.4
10
BOOK XXI. 3. 1—4. 1
learned that in his absence the Ligurians and Etrus- cans had mutinously demanded their pay from his son Agatharchus,! he put them all to death, to the number of at least two thousand. This action alienated the Bruttians, whereupon Agathocles attempted to capture the city which is called Ethae.? When the barbarians, however, assembled a large force and made an unexpected attack by night upon him, he lost four thousand men, and in consequence returned to Syracuse.
4. Agathocles brought together his naval forces and sailed across to Italy. Planning to move on Croton, since he wished to besiege the city, he sent a messenger to Menedemus, the tyrant of Croton, his friend, bidding him not to be alarmed falsely and saying that he was escorting his daughter Lanassa with royal honours to Epirus for her marriage °; and by this ruse he caught the Crotoniates off their guard. He then invested the.city and encircled it with walls from sea to sea, and by means of a stone-thrower and by tunnelling brought down in ruins the largest of
1 The less reliable Hoeschel text calls him Archagathus. Two sons, Archagathus and Heracleides, had been killed in Africa in 307 s.c. (Book 20. 69). Agatharchus may then be a third son of Agathocles by his first marriage (cp. Berve, “ Die Herrschaft des Agathokles,” S.B. München, Phil.-Hist. K1. 1952, 5, p. 76,n. 71); or, on Hoeschel’s reading, the man may be the Archagathus, son of Archagathus, of chap. 16. 3, and so (reading viwvorv) the grandson of Agathocles.
2 The site is unknown. E. Pais, Studi ital. fil. class. 1 (1893), 125, has proposed the reading Nýĝas, based on the name of the river Neaethus (Strabo, 262).
3 To Pyrrhus, king of Epirus. Agathocles gave Corcyra for his daughter’s dowry (Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 9).
7 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : aùràs H, aùroùs Dindorf. 8 Reiske suggests múpyov.
11
c. 298 B c.
c. 295 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
kaTtappáćas, œs {ðov ot Kporwviârat, póßw Tà múňas dvoíĝavres édéavro Tòv ’Ayaloràéa kal Tò OTpáTEVjO. eiomeoóvTes Ďè elow TÄS MÉÀCWS, TÀS pèv oikias Srýpratov, Toùs è ãvõðpas Koatéopağav. mpòs è Toùs ðuőpovs Bapßdpovs kat 'Iánvyas kal Hevreriovs avppayiav ênorýoaro," kal vaĵs Ày- oTpikàs xopnyâv aŭroîs, TA ÉP Tõv Àc? ¿áp-
ave. kat ppovupàv anoàeimwv eis Kpórwva es Ba ëmÀevoev.
- "Ori Aivos? ’Abnvaios ovyypaßeùs TAS kowàs Tpáges cuvráčas ëypope PPa eikoow éé Fdwv ðe ó Màarawùst ras áno Toúrov ĵiaĝeéd- pevos Tpáčes čypape Bipa Tpiárovra.
6. “Ori eni ToÎ Toàépov Tõv Tuppmvâv kal Tadarôðv kal SapvirÂv kal TÕV érépwv ovupáywv dvņnpéðņoav úrò ‘Pwpaiwy, Paßiov ÚmaTeŬovTOS, éka pvupidõðes, ðs pyoı AobpisĂ
(Exe. Hoesch. p. 490 W.)
Tpáße: roroðrtóv re Aoðpis, Ardðwpos kal iwy, Tt Zapvnrôv, Tvppnvôv kal érépwv ebvôv ro- Àcuovvrwv ‘Powuaios ó Aékos ÜnaTos “Põpuns avoTpaTyyòs æv Tovprovárov oŬTwS aréðwrev éavròv eis opayiv kai avņnpéðnoav trõv èvavriwv ékatòv yıùdðes aùfnuepóv.
(Tzetzes, on the Alexandra of Lycophron, v. 1378.8)
1 énrorvýoaro implied by Rhodoman’s translation: eror ýoavro H. 2 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman ; vev H.
3 So Wesseling : AlaMos H.
4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Iareòs H.
5 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : pupia &è œs pacit Aovpois H. 6 Ed. Scheer, Berlin, 1908.
1 Or possibly, “ the largest tower ” : see critical note. 2 On Diyllus of Athens, whose Histories covered the years
12
BOOK XXI. 4. 1—6. 2
the buildings.* When the Crotoniates saw this they were frightened, and opening the gate, received Agathocles and his army, who rushed into the city, plundered the houses, and slew the male inhabitants. With the neighbouring barbarians, both the Iapygians and the Peucetians, Agathocles made an alliance and supplied them with pirate ships, receiving in return a share of their booty. Then, leaving a garrison in Croton, he sailed back to Syracuse.
5. Diyllus, the Athenian historian, compiled a universal history in twenty-six books and Psaon of Plataea wrote a continuation of this work in thirty books.?
6. In the war with the Etruscans, Gauls, Samnites, and the other allies, the Romans slew one hundred thousand men in the consulship of Fabius,’ according to Duris.
Something similar + is told by Duris, Diodorus, and Dio: that when the Samnites, Etruscans, and the other nations were at war with the Romans, Decius, the Roman consul, colleague of Torquatus,’ in like manner devoted himself to death, and on that day one hundred thousand of the enemy were slain.
357-297 B.C., see Sherman’s note on Book 16. 14 and Jacoby, FGH, no. 73. Little more is known of Psaon (FGH, no. 78) than is related here.
3 At the battle of Sentinum, 295 n.c. Livy (10. 29. 17) sets the figure of enemy dead at 25,000. The consuls were Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus and P. Decius Mus. For Duris of Samos see Jacoby, FGH, no. 76.
4 Similar, that is, to the exploit of Codrus, who invited death in battle to save his country (cp. Lycurgus, Against Leocrates, 84-87).
5 The consul of 295 s.c. has here been confused with his father, who as consul in 340 had devoted himself in battle against the Latins at Veseris,
13
295 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
T. “Ori `Avrimarpos ià phóvov rův ilav un- tépa àveîhe.
"Ore `Aàéfavòðpos dôeàdòs 'Avrırdrpov Tpooka- Àcodpevos Anuýrpiov Baoiàéa eis Bońberav, Soo- goveîrai Úr’ aŭro. óuolws kal `Avrimartpov tòv unTpadoiav, dðeàdòv Tro 'Adeédvõpov, kal aùròv Edodopóvnoev, où Povàópevos oúveðpov čyew t Bacidcig.
8. "Ori ’ Ayaboràñs avvabpoisas òuváueis els Iraàíav ðerépacev ëywv meoùs Tpiopupiovs, in- neîs rpioyiÀiovs. rv è vavrichv Súvajuv Erià- mwv napañoús, \eņnàareîv enérate rův Bperriwv xópav: oros moplôðv ràs? nmapabadasciovs krý- oes,? xepÂv mepnreoov ras nmÀelovs TÔV vyôv anéßade. ò ðè 'Ayaboràs moMopkýoas tv ‘Irrwvarðv* mów .. * kal ià uyyavôv merpo- Bóàwv ris móňcws èkupievoav kal raúrņv eîàov. TrÔv è Bperriwv karanàayévrwv, mpéoßeis àmé- ateiàav únèp ðıadúoews. Kal Àaßpov map aùrôv éÉakocíous öpýpovs kal ġpovpav anoùm®òv els Bupakócas énmaviàbev. oi è Bpérriot roîs ôprois uÀ êupeivavres, dÀàd mavònuel orparevoavres èrm Toùs darnoàeiphévras oTparwTas, TOÚTOUS karté- kopay: roùs è óuýpovs dvacwúoavres dmeàúbnoav tis ° Ayalokàéovs ĝvvaoreias.
(Exc. Hoesch. pp. 490-491 W.) 1 So Dindorf: avro H. 2 ropläv tàs} So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : noplĝoðvras H.
3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : «rices H. 4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : “Irrovakâv H.
14
BOOK XXI. 7. 1—8. 1
7. Because of envy, Antipater ! murdered his own mother.
Alexander, the brother of Antipater, was assas- sinated by King Demetrius, whom he had summoned to aid him. He? likewise assassinated Antipater the matricide, the brother of Alexander, not wishing to have a partner in rule.
8. Agathocles assembled an army and crossed over into Italy with thirty thousand infantry and three thousand cavalry. The navy he entrusted to Stilpo with orders to ravage the territory of the Bruttians ; but while Stilpo was plundering the estates along the shore, he encountered a storm and lost most of his ships. Agathocles laid siege to Hipponium . . . and by means of stone-throwers they overpowered the city and captured it. This terrified the Bruttians, who sent an embassy to treat for terms. Agathocles, having obtained six hundred hostages from them and having left an occupying force, returned to Syra- cuse. The Bruttians, however, instead of abiding by their oath, marched out in full force against the soldiers who had been left behind, crushed them, recovered the hostages, and so freed themselves from the domination of Agathocles.
1 Antipater I, son of Cassander and Thessalonicê. After the death of Cassander and his eldest son Philip IV in 298 B.C., Fhessaionicê had arranged a division of the kingdom between her younger sons, Antipater and Alexander (cp. Plutarch, Demetrius, 36; Pyrrhus, 6-7).
2 The subject appears to be Demetrius, but Antipater was in fact assassinated, in 287 B.c., by Lysimachus, his father- in-law (cp. Justin, 16. 2).
5 Lacuna indicated by Walton. Editors since Wesseling, following the suggestion of Hoeschel and Rhodoman, print ékvpíevoe and elde.
15
294 B.C.
€. 294 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
9 "Ori Anuhrpios ó Paoreùs \aßov úroyepiovs åmavrtas ToÙs kar’ aùroô Pàaodnueîv ciwhóras èv TaÎîs êkkàņolais Kal mávra kar aùtoô npårrew pàaneyônuõvws àpñrev åbğovs, èmpheytádpevos ÔTL OovyyvÓuN Tuwpias aipeTwTépa.
(Const. Exc. 4, p. 345; last three words, Eze. Hoesch. p. 491 W3)
10. "Ore oi mÀeîoroi Tv áyóvrwv orparóreða, kaĵ oðs äv kaupoùòs èv åůtvyýpaow úrápywoi peydàois, dkoovĝoðot rais trõv mov óppaîs hoßoŭuevor Tas évavriwoeis aùrôv.
(Const. Exe. 4, p. 345; Exc. Hoesch. p. 491 W.)
11. “Ori of Opĝres Tòv Toð Baoiàéws viðv Aya- Ookàéa Àaßóvres aiyudàwrov aréoredav perà õdpwv, dpa pèv mpòs Tà mapáðofa TS TÚXNS éavroîs mapackevdčovres katraġvyds, dpa Šè ià
-Tis piàavðpwrias Taúrns ¿àritovres dnoàńpeoba Tv ådmpnuévyv aùrðv yæpav rò Avorudyov. oùkéTi yap Amitov aŭúroùs Súvacðaı kparĝoar r@ moàéuw, ovunehpovykórwv ånávrwv oyeðòv trv uvarwrtáraw paciàéwv Kal ovupayovvrwv dÀ- Ahàois. (Const. Eze. 2 A), p. 253.)
12. "Ore únò oroðelas muebopévys ris roô Avoiuáyov orpariâs, Kat rÕv piàwv aùr ovp- Povàevóvrwv owbew? mws morè úvaraı kal uny- Ôcpiav ëyew ània owrnpias èv TÔ otparorésw, Toúrtois anekpiðn u) Sicarov eivai karaùıróvra Thv Súvapuıv kal roùs hiàovs iig? owrnpiav aloypàv mopibeobar. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 345.)
, 1 So Dindorf: orpareias V. 2 Dindorf suggests owteobar or éavróv owtew, 3 So Dindorf: ¿blav V,
16
BOOK XXI. 9. 1—12. 1
9. King Demetrius, after arresting all who habitu- ally defamed him in the public assemblies and con- tentiously opposed him in all things, let them go unharmed, remarking that pardon is better than punishment.!
10. Most leaders of armies, when confronted with serious reverses, follow the urgings of the mob rather than risk its opposition.
11. The Thracians captured Agathocles,? the king’s son, but sent him home with gifts, partly to pre- pare for themselves a refuge against the surprises of Fortune, partly in the hope of recovering through this act of humanity that part of their territory which Lysimachus had seized. For they no longer hoped to be able to prevail in the war, since almost all the most powerful kings were now in agreement, and were in military alliance one with another.
12. When the army of Lysimachus was hard pressed for food,’ and his friends kept advising him to save himself as best he could and not to hope for safety in the encampment, he replied to them that it was not honourable to provide a disgraceful safety for himself by abandoning his army and his friends.
1 The proverbial saying, “ Forgiveness is better than punishment” (or “‘ revenge ”), is ascribed by Diogenes Laertius, 1. 76, to Pittacus, on the occasion of pardoning his enemy, the poet Alcaeus. Diodorus cites it repeatedly, e.g. infra, chap. 14. 3 and Book 31. 3.
2 Agathocles, son of Lysimachus. The exact occasion is uncertain.
3 In 292 s.c. Lysimachus crossed the Danube and attacked the Getae.
17
292 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
2 "Or: ó Apouiyairns ó TÔ Opgkôv pacideùs karà navra Tòv Avoiuayov ròv paoia Sefrwodpevos Kal hiàýoas, čti è marépa Tnpooayopeúoas, dmi- yaye petà TÕv TéÉkvwv eis mów TÀV ôvopatouévyv °Hàw.
3 "Or perà Tiv dÀwow Tis Avoiudyov Švvdpews avvpapóvrwv TÕv Oparõv kai Bowvrwv dye eis TÒ pégov qòv HAwróra Baoidéa Tmpòs Tv kóaoiv— etv yàp Tv ¿Éovoiav čyew rò rôv kvðúvwv LETEC- xnkòs mAÑIos Povàcúoaohai mAs ypnoréov oriv Toîs hAwkõow—ő uèv ApopiyaiTns mepi tis Tipw- pias To? Paoiàéws avrermwv ebisaée Toùs OTPATLD- Tas Tt ovupépet ooa ròv ğvëpa. àvaipebévros pėv yàp aùroô Pacideîs ãÀdovs karaàńpeobai TÀV Avoayov Õuvaoreiav, poßepwrépovs,! äv ryn, To Tpoünápavros: Sradvàaybévros è ydpiv fer? ôgeidouévny Toîs Opgéi mapà roô owbévros, ral Tà ppoúpia TÀ mpõrTepov Ýrápćavra Qpakðv àro-
4 Ańpeoðar ywpis rvôúvwv. ovykataĝeuévov Šè roô mAýbovs, ó Apopyairns dvaġņrtýoas èk Tôv aiypa- ÀdTwv Toùs plovs T00 Avouayov kal toùs mepi Thv Bepareiav ciwhóras SraTpißew, amýyaye mpòs TOV MAwkóra Baciàéa, perà Õè raôra ovvreàéoas Bvoiav mapéiaßev èm rùv éorlaoiv tóv re Avci- paxov perà Tõv aŭto pwy kal tôv Opgkôv ToÙs ErTnÂeordárovs. Ôirràs è rùsias? kara- okevagas Tois uèv mept ròv Avoiuayov čotpwoe Tùy ddoĝoav Baoiiciv orpwuvýv, éavr® 8è kal
5roîs iois eùreàĵ) ornpdða. duolws Sè Sirrôv éroruaobévrwv Šeinmvwv, èkeivois pèv navroĝarâv
1 $oßepwrépovs Dindorf : $oßepwrépav očoav P., Wesseling suggests ñgew.
18
BOOK XXI. 12. 2-5
Dromichaetes, the king of the Thracians, having given King Lysimachus every mark of welcome, having kissed him, and even called him “ Father,” then brought him and his children to a city called Helis.
After the capture of the army of Lysimachus, the Thracians assembling in haste shouted that the cap- tured king should be brought into their midst for punishment. It was but right, they cried, that the multitude who had shared the hazard of battle should debate and decide what was to be done with the prisoners. Dromichaetes spoke against punishing the king and pointed out to the soldiers the advan- tages of preserving his life. Were he to be executed, he said, other kings, possibly more to be feared than their predecessor, would assume the authority of Lysimachus. If, on the other hand, his life were spared, he would owe a debt of gratitude to the Thracians, and with no hazard to themselves they would recover the forts that had formerly been
hracian. When the multitude had given its approval to this policy, Dromichaetes searched out from among the prisoners the friends of Lysimachus and those who were accustomed to be in constant attendance upon him, and led them to the captive monarch. Then, having offered sacrifice, he invited Lysimachus and his friends to the banquet, together with the most suitable Thracians. He prepared two sets of couches, using for the company of Lysimachus the royal drapery that formed part of the spoils, but for himself and his friends cheap beds of straw. In like manner, he had two diferent meals prepared, and set before his foreign guests a prodigal array of all
3 So Salmasius, Valesius : xyàņoias P.
19
DIODORUS OF SICILY
Todurédevav Ppwpárwv napébnrev émi rpanétns apyvpâs, Toîs ôè Opgŝi Àdyava kal kpéa' petpiws cokevaopéva, émi? oaviðos eùrteÀoŬs émikeruévns arois Tis Tparébns. TÒ Sè reevraov ToS pèv evéxet TOV oivov apyupots Kat ypvooîs mornpiots, Toîs è ueb’ éavroô keparivois kal tvàivois, rab- ánep ñv ¿hos tois ['érais. mpoßaivovros è toô móTov TÀNpócas rò péyiorov trv kepárwv kal Tpooayopevoas natépa tòv Nvoipayov ÑpórTNoe nótepov aùr ðoret? ĝeîmvov PacıÀkaTepov, rò Maxeðovixòv Ñ rò Opgriov. roð Sè Avciudyov rò Maxeðovixòv einóvros (Zýre: eis rò Iep Tvrwuô). (Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 253-254.) 6 "Ori toô Apopuyairov ròv Avoipayov èni Servov kekàņkóros kai mpoßaivovros Toô mórov, TÀANpúTas TÒ puéyioTov TÖV kepárwv kal nmpocayopeúoas marépa ròv Avoipayov Ñpórnoe nórepov aùrô ore? eîrvov eîvai Baoikwrepov, TÒ Maxreðovikóv Ñ rò Opgkiov. roð Sè Avoiuáyov rò Mareðovikòv einóvros, Ti ov, čġņ, vóupa Towra kal Blov Àaurpòv ånoùmov, èri è emipaveorépav Baoidelav, enebúpeis eis dvôpónovs mapayevéołas Bapßápovs kal Cõvras Iypróðn Biov raì xøpav voyeipepov kal onaviovoav pépwv kapnôv, eßidow Sè mapà púow ayayeîv ğúvapuv eis TóTovs ToroŬúrovs èv ofs Éevie) Öúvajus raibpios où úvaraı dıaoúleoba; einóvros è mdv mpos Tara To Avoiudyov Širi TÀ pèv Tepi taútyv Tv oTpateiav Ņyvónoev, els è Tò Àomòv mepdoerat hios &v ovppayei ral xdápiros aroðóoe: pù) Aeiphiva tv eô meromré- Tav, anoðečduevos avrov ioppóvws ó Apo- piyairns nmapéňaße tõv ywpiwv tà mapaipebévra 20
BOOK XXI. 12. 5-6
kinds of viands, served on a silver table, while before the Thracians was placed a modestly prepared dish of herbs and meat, their meal being set out upon a cheap board. Finally, for his guests he poured out wine in gold and silver cups, but for his fellow- countrymen, as was the custom of the Getae, in cups of horn or wood. After they had been drinking some time, he filled the largest of the drinking-horns, and addressing Lysimachus as “ Father,” asked him which banquet seemed more fit for kings, the Mace- donian or the Thracian. Lysimachus replied : “ The Macedonian.” 1 “ Why then,” he asked, “ forsaking such ways, a splendid manner of life, and a more glorious kingdom as well, did you desire to come among men who are barbarous and lead a bestial existence, and to a wintry land deficient in cultivated grains and fruit? Why did you force a way against nature to bring an army into such a place as this, where no foreign force can survive in the open ? ” In reply Lysimachus said that in regard to this campaign he had acted blindly ; but for the future he would endeavour to aid him as a friend, and not to fall short in returning kindness for kindness. Dromi- chaetes received these words graciously, obtained the
12 At this point the narrative breaks off in the collection De Virtutibus et Vitiis with a reference to the collection De Sententiis. There, with some repetition, the sequel is given, introduced by the words: “ When Dromichaetes had invited Lysimachus to a banquet.”
1 So Valesius : xpéas P. 2 Wifstrand suggests éx for ért. 3 P has rò after õoxeî.
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DIODORUS OF SICILY
e_ i % y , ` ` 3 2al , Úno rÕv mepi Avoipayov kat mepibeis aùr® åd- nua etanéoreirev. (Const. Exc. 4, pp. 345-346.) 13. Oros ó Beppoðiyeoros, Arddwpos ws ypádper, p P 3 1 4 fi otua To® Aùdodéovros Ilarsvaw Baciàéws pios reàðv moróraroşs, Toùs Onoavpovs unvúei Ñ) Avormáxyw ý rwie Ts Opárys paoidéwv: apyañčov é uoi oti Qeòv ðs mávr dyopevew 3 l + pá K y aßiBàn mepvukóri por oiðare olorep Àéyw' roùs Ünoavpoùs éuývvoe T® Opárys oTteġN- pópw ti ~ y To Bapyevriov motrauo kárwbev kekpvu- uévovs, A Kas ki h La A kd rA TOÙS OÜS AŬTÒS KATÉKPUTTE CÙV ALYUAÀWTOLS uóvots, TPÉTWV TÙV KOÍTNV TOTAUOÔ Kal KATOPÓTTWV KATW, Gy A E a ? + 4 kd >? LA eîra ròv poôv ênapeis, Toùs Ò aiyuaàwTovs ohdrrwv. (Tzetzes, Hist. 6. 470-480.°) 14. “Ori AnuhTpros ó Baoiàeús, Trò Šeúrepov àro- orarnodvrwv Onfaiwv, moMopkia tà tein kab- eÀ, Tùv mów kata kpáros eîàe, éka uóvovs ávðpas aveàùv Toùs Tv drmooraciav karepyato- uévovs. (Exc. Hoesch. p. 491 wW) “Ori ò Baoideùs Anuýrtpios* Tapañaßov kal tràs dàdas móàes, npoonvéxðn Toîs Borwroîs peya- Aopóxws. TAÑV yàp avòpõv éka kal TETTÁpwv TÕV aiTLwTáTwV Ts damocrdoews améÀàvoe tTÔVv eyrkànpárav d änmavrtas. (Const. Exe. 2 (1), p. 254.) 3 "Ori mi Tov rò bvuouayeiv eis Téàos yapı-
N
1 So Mai: aùròrv V. 2 Ed. Kiessling, Leipzig, 1826. 22
BOOK XXI. 12. 6—14. 3
return of the districts that Lysimachus had seized, placed a diadem on his head, and sent him on his way.
13. This Xermodigestus, as Diodorus writes, rank- ing as the most trusted friend, I think, of Audoleon, king of the Paeonians, reveals the treasures to Lysi- machus, or to some other king of Thrace (tis difficult for me, without books as I am, to relate all, likt a godt; you to whom I speak know). He revealəd to the crowned head of Thrace the treasures hidden beneath the river Sargentius, which he himself, aided only by captives, had buried, turning aside the river bed, and burying the treasure beneath, then letting in the stream, and slaying the captives.?
14. King Demetrius laid siege to Thebes when it revolted a second time, demolished the walls with siege engines, and took the city by storm, but put to death only the ten men who were responsible for the revolt.
King Demetrius, having gained possession of the other cities also, dealt generously with the Boeotians ; for he dismissed the charges against all except the fourteen men who were chiefly responsible for the revolt.
In many cases one should decline to fight to the
1 Cp. Homer, Fiad, 12. 176.
2 Much the same tale is told of Traian’s enemy Decebalus, king of the Dacians (Dio Cassius, 68. 14. 4-5; cp. Tzetzes, Hist. 2. 61), and of Alaric (Jordanes, Get. 158, chap. 30). Since the Dacian river bears the suspiciously similar name of Sargetia or Sargentia, it is possible that Tzetzes has wrongly introduced the story here.—An Athenian decree of 288 B.C. (JG, 2.2? 654) honours Audoleon for his benefactions to the city.
2 So Rhodoman : droorarýoavros ©@nßðrv H. 4 So Valesius: Apoptyairns P. 23
291 B.C
DIODORUS OF SICILY
opévous T® Ovu mapairnréov: ovupépet yàp eviore ĝiadúeobar kai ypnuárwv awveîobat Tyv d- ohdàciav kai kabóàov mpokpivew TS Tipwpias Tùv ovyyvounv. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 346.) 15. “Ore `Ayaboràfjs anréoreriev ° Ayabokàñ tòv viov mpos Anuýrpiov ròv Bacıiàéa pilav ouvléoba kai ovupayiav. ó è Paoideùs dopévws Šeédpevos Tòv veaviokov, oroày nmeptribeis Baoiciv kal Sâpa oùs peyadorpenh, ovvaréorerdev ° Oéúbepuv,! TÕv hwv éva, TO pèv Õokeîv Tà morà Àaßeîv ris ovppayías, T® Sè épywy karaokepópevov TV Lekediav. (Exc. Hoesch. p. 491 W.) 16. [Où uiv GÀN únėp pèv ris karaorpopis ’Ayabokàéovs, örav mpòs Toùs oikelovs ypóvovs éAbwuev aùrhs, rò yevóuevov Beßarvoet rò võv eipypévov.] (Diod. 20. 101. 4.) “Ore 'Ayabokàñs ó Baoıeùs moàùðv ypóvov epn- veúwv mpos Kapyxnõðoviovs, peyádàņv ènenoinro mapaokeðaoiw vavrikÂôv Õuvápewv: ÕrevoeîTo yàp náàw eis Tiv Apúnv ĝiafiBdbew orparóreða, kat Taîs vavotv eipyeww Toùs oivikas rÊv ånò rv Zapððv kai ukeðv oironroumðv. kal èv TÔ npoyeyovóri kara Tv Aßúnv moéuw Baňarrokpa- Toûvres ot Kapynõóvior Sıéowoav ék TÕv kwðúvwv rìu natpiða. etye òè vas 'Ayaloràñs ó Pasıdeds éénprTupévas iakocias trerphpers kal ééńpeis’ pws eis népas Tv npoaipeotv oùk Ñveyke Šia ToraŬras 2 airias. Mévwv* v Aiyeoraîos* Tò yévos' èv ðè ri kataàńpet Ts marpiðos hAwkws dobos eyévero" òà Tv eùnmpénerav To owp aros TÔ Paociàeî. rat 1 So Rhodoman : Ogvôéunv H. 2 So Rhodoman : 7ò H. A
BOOK XXI. 14. 3—16. 2
bitter end, indulging one’s wrath. For sometimes it is expedient to come to terms, to pay a price for security, and in general to rate forgiveness above revenge.
15. Agathocles sent his son Agathocles to King Demetrius to arrange a treaty of friendship and alliance. The king welcomed the young man warmly, dressed him in princely robes, and gave him magnifi- cent gifts. He sent back with him Oxythemis, one of his friends, ostensibly to receive pledges of the alliance, in reality to spy out Sicily.
16. [But as for the death of Agathocles, when we come to its place in the narrative, what actually occurred will confirm what has just been said. ]}!
King Agathocles, who had remained on terms of peace with the Carthaginians for a long time, had now made extensive naval preparations ; for he in- tended to transport an army once again to Libya and with his ships to prevent the Phoenicians from importing grain from Sardinia and Sicily. Indeed, in the preceding war with Libya, it was by control of the sea that the Carthaginians had brought their country safely out of danger. King Agathocles now had, fully equipped, two hundred ships, quadriremes and sexremes. Nevertheless, he did not carry out his project for the following reasons. There was a certain Menon, a Segestan by birth, who was taken captive on the seizure of his native city, and became the king’s slave because of the beauty of his person.
1 See below, note on chap. 16. 5. 2 In 307 B.c. (see Book 20. 71).
3 So Hertlein : aùroô. 4 So Wesseling (throughout): Mairæv H. 5 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Aiyvrraîos H. 6 So Dindorf: èyvero H.
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DIODORUS OF SICILY
2 2 A A Eal péxpt pév tivos eùðokeîv! mpooeroreîro, TÕV pw- É t y l4 t 3 A pévæov kal piw eîs apibuovúuevos: ià è TV TiS lá hJ narpiðos ovupopàv kai Tùv mepi aúròv ČBpw órov- y bi ~ Aws éxwv mpòs Tòv Suvdoryv, karpòv éàape Tîs kar 7 A x aùðToÎ Tiuwpias. ó yàp Baoiieds òn yeynpar&s h e ?: (3 + 3? Tàs raibpovs* ðvvápeis `Apxaydłðw mapaĝeðøke:. e yg kd m~ 3 ofros è v `A pyaydalov èv’ viòs Toî karà AßBúnv + e y Dè E £ kd + afayévros, viwvòs è roð Pacıiàéws Ayaloràéovs, 3 ò r De b ~ k À la 4 ~ ` davõpeigq òè kat puyis eùroàuia moù ToÔ karà 7 e r Àóyov úrepaipwv. . . $ orparoneðeúovros aùroô $ 4 z $ 4 mepi Thv Aitvnv, ô pèv Paoideùs Bovàdpevos mpo- : r ` f) S ` aÑ , ` es dyeu? èm ryv ĝiaĝoyv trs Baoıiclaşs ròv viðv > ~ m a Ayabokàĝ, nmpõôrov uèv èv rais Xvuparkovoas® t4 A la ouvéornae Tòv veaviokov, dnmohawópevos ĝidðoyov bA À f “~ d ~ A i ` m k L amoàcohew ts apxĝs' perà è rara eééreupev 3 ha ? 4 4 F aùròv mi TÒ aTpatómeðov. ypáas èmorToàùv èri hl > z i [g rov `Apyayalov, mpooérače tToútrw” mapaĝðóva A N x tàs meiras kal vavrikàs Ôuvápeis. Õe ås airias? e hi 3 + te Eas A ó pēv `Apyáyalos ópðv trův Paorňeiav eis črepov ~ ? ~ karavrÕgav, duporépois èmpovàeðoa? Siéyvw. A A ~ mpòs Mévwava ròv Aiyeoraîñov ianeppáuevos M 3 m émeioev dveàeîv ròv Pacıiàéa ĝia dapuárov, aùròs A y t è év rvi výow Îuvoiav èmreàésas,” kal kara- [A hi mÀcúoavra rÒv vedrtepov ÀAyalbokàda mapaňaßæv A A k ta npòs TÅv eùðwyxiav, vuktTòs katapebúcas ånéoġaće.
1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : cùõokiueîr F. 2 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : úréĝpovs H. 3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : péar H. s6 t Cp. chap. 16. 7.
BOOK XXI. 16. 2-3
Fora while he pretended to be content, being reckoned among the king’s favourites and friends; but the disaster to his city and the outrage to his person produced a rankling enmity to the king, and he seized an opportunity to take his revenge. Now the king, being now well advanced in years, had entrusted the command of his forces in the field to Archagathus. He was the son of the Archagathus who was killed in Libya, and thus the grandson of King Agathocles ; in manliness and fortitude he far surpassed ordinary expectations. While he was encamped near Etna, the king, wishing to promote his son Agathocles as successor to the throne, first of all presented the young man at Syracuse, and declared that he would leave him heir to his power ; he then sent him to the camp. To Archagathus he wrote a letter, ordering him to hand over to Agathocles both the land and naval forces. When Archagathus thus perceived that another was to fall heir to the kingdom, he re- solved to lay a plot for both men. He sent word to Menon the Segestan, and persuaded him to poison the king. He himself offered sacrifice on a certain island, and when the younger Agathocles put in there, invited him to the feast, plied him with drink, and murdered him during the night. The body was
1 A few words are probably omitted; see the parallel passage given at the end of the chapter.
5 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : mpoodyew H.
€ Hoeschel, Rhodoman suggest roîs èv raîs Z., Reiske roîs Zvpakovoiois.
7 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : roôrov H.
8 alrias added by Hoeschel, Rhodoman ; Wesseling sug- gests ôr å.
? So Rhodoman : èrmpovàfĵoai H.
10 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : émredeúoas H.
2T
DIODORUS OF SICILY
To è oópaTos piplévrTos eis trùhv Odàacoav kat npòs tùv yv únò roô rkàúðwvos èkppachévros, éniyvóvres Tivès amekójpuoav eis 2vpakóoas.
4 ‘O õè Bacideùs ewhðs perà TÒ deîrvov det nTEp& cıakalaipeohar Toùs dðóvras, aroàvleis To TóTov tòv Mévwva Tò nmtepòv ğryoev. era ó pèv ġap- Lákw onnTik” picas dréðwkev, ó è xpnodpevos aùr dioTtiuórepov ià Tv dyvorav hfaro navra- yóbev ris mepi roùs dðóvrTas capkőós. kal mpôTov Lèv nóvot ovveyeîs èyévovro kal kaĵ’ Ņpépav èm- TÁCELS QÀAYNÕÖVWV, ETMELTA ONNEĞÕVES AVÍATOL TAVTN) Toùs oðóvrTas nmepretyov. émi ðè ris TeÀcuris yevó- evos èkkàņnoidoas ròv Àaòv kKarnyópnoe rtis úoeßeias *`Apyayálov, kai rà pèv nmàin mapõvve mpòs Thv aŬToð? Tipwpiav, TA è Sýpw Tv ðnpo-
5 kpariav čġņoev dmoðiðóvai. perà è rara Tòv Paoidéa Siareipevov êcyárws HÒN KaTébNKev èm TîS mvpôâs 'Ofúbepus ó meupheis úno AnunTpiov toô Paoidéws, KAL KATÉKAVOEV övra pèr épTvovv čr, cà Sè rhv idióryra ris mept riv onneðóva
w 3 : ` s a o’ ovppopâs où vvápevov poviy npoteoĵar* ° Aya- lordis pèv mÀeloTovs kal TOLKIAWTÄTOVS $óvovs ÊTITEÀEOAHEVOS KATÀ TÙV Svvaoreiav, kal Ti kaärà TÖV ópopúňwv dpóTNTi npocheis kal TÙV eis Beoùs doéßerav, npénovoav mapéoxe TÂ mapavopig TAV To piov karaortpoġńv, Švvaoreúoas pėv črn Svo TÕV TpiákovTA Àcinmovra, Prwoas è Svo mpòs Toîs éBõouýkovra ërņ, kabðòs Tiparos ó Zupakóows
i ékBpaolévTos added by Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 2 So Wesseling : ornmrĝ H. 3 So Post: ariv H, aùroð Hoeschel, Rhodoman.
28
BOOK XXI. 16. 3—5
thrown into the sea, and was washed ashore by the waves, where certain men recognized it and carried it to Syracuse.
Now it was the king’s habit after dinner always to clean his teeth with a quill. Having finished his wine, therefore, he asked Menon for the quill, and Menon gave him one that he had smeared with a putrefactive drug. The king, unaware of this, applied it rather vigorously and so brought it into contact with the gums all about his teeth. The first effect was a con- tinuous pain, which grew daily more excruciating, and this was followed by an incurable gangrene everywhere near the teeth.* As he lay dying, he summoned the populace, denounced Archagathus for his impiety, aroused the masses to avenge him, and declared that he restored to the people their self- government. Then, when the king was already at the point of death, Oxythemis, the envoy of King Demetrius, placed him on the pyre and burned him,
still alive, but because of the characteristic ravages
of his affiction unable to utter a sound.? Agathocles had committed numerous and most varied acts of slaughter during his reign, and since to his cruelty towards his own people he added impiety towards the gods, the manner of his death was appropriate to his lawless life. He lived for seventy-two years and ruled for twenty-eight, according to Timaeus
1 It is generally assumed that the fatal illness was, in fact, a cancer of the mouth. Justin’s account (23. 2) of his death is quite different and in part more trustworthy (cp. Berve, op. cit. p. T5).
2 This is the punishment, ascribed to the wrath of Hephaes- tus, that ìs alluded to in Book 20. 101.
4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : rpoeîoĝai H. 29
289 B.C
DIODORUS OF SICILY
ovyypágei, kat Kaààias ral aùròs Zvupakovoios, eikoot úo Pißàous ovyypdfpas, kal "Avravðpos ó
6 dðeàdòs 'Ayaloràéovs kal aùròs ovyypadeús. oí
òè Eupakóoiot rs Önpokparias TuyövrTes Tv >A 8 A t ? F 2A ld hJ b3 bd + yalokàćovs ovciíav ¿ðńýuevoav, tràs Sè elkóvas tàs dvateleicas? úr aùroô karéonacav. Meévov òè ò empovàeúoas T® Paoide? Siérpipev èv rois mept Apxdyalov, mepevyòs èk trôv Euparkovoðv: meppovnpatıopévos Sè émi T° okeîv karadeàv- Kkéva tv Paciàciav, òv uèv °Apyayahov dodo- póvnoe, roô è orpatroréðov Krupieðoas kal rà Tàin Àóyois pidavbporois brorooduevos, Siéyvw moàepeîv toîs ÈEvuparociois Kal Õuvaorelas vr- éxeobar* (Ezec. Hoesch. pp. 491-493 W.) 7 "Or '`Ayálapyos åvõpeig ral puys eèroàuig Toàù ToÔ katà Àdyov repaipwv tis bias ÑÀrkias- v yàp mavreàðs véos. (Const. Exe. 2 (1), p. 254. ny yap ; >P a e e ` Pi 17. "Ort oros ó ioropikòs* tàs åpaprias tv mpò avro ovyypaßéwv mikpótara èàéyčas Krarà èv tăààa pép tis ypas màeciorny mpõvoirav eÎye Ts dànbelas, êv è raîs ’Ayaloràéovs mpáéecı ` ` 1 6 m z ` ` ` TÀ ToÀÀd karéhevora’ toô uváorov Šid TV Tpòs aùròv ëxÂpav. duyaĝevleis yàp úr’ ’Ayalboràéovs ék TS Zikeàlas, LÕvra èv àpóvaclat ròv Svuváornv oùk toyuoe, TeÀeurýoavra è ði tis ioropias 1 Jacoby, in part after Wurm, suggests : Tipuos ó [Evpa- Kóotos] ovyypaģevs kal Kadas [xka] aùròs] Evparoŭoios. 2 So Wesseling: dvarıðeicas H.
3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : rò H. t So Wesseling: dvéyera: H, åvréyera: Hoeschel, Rhodoman.
30
BOOK XXI. 16. 5—17. 1
of Syracuse, Callias, another Syracusan, the author of twenty-two books, and Antander, the brother of Agathocles, who was himself a historian. The Syra- cusans, upon the recovery of their popular govern- ment, confiscated the property of Agathocles and pulled down the statues that he had set up. Menon, who had plotted against the king, stayed with Arch- agathus, having fled from Syracuse. He was puffed up, however, by the credit that he enjoyed as over- thrower of the kingdom; he assassinated Arch- agathus, gained control of the camp, and, having won over the masses by expressions of goodwill, deter- mined to wage war on Syracuse and to claim for him- self the chief power.
In manliness and fortitude Agatharchus? was much in advance of his years, for he was extremely young.
17. This historian,? who had so sharply rebuked earlier historians for their errors, showed very high regard for the truth in the rest of his writings, but the greater part of his history of Agathocles consists of lying propaganda against the ruler because of per- sonal enmity. For since he was banished from Sicily by Agathocles and could not strike back while the monarch lived, after his death he defamed him
1 Nothing else is known of Antander’s history (Jacoby, FGH, no. 565). For Timaeus (of Tauromenium, not Syracuse !) and Callias see chap. 17.
2 For the confusion of names see the note on chap. 3.
3 Timaeus of Tauromenium (357/40-261/44 B.c.): the fragments are collected in Jacoby, FGH, no. 566. Polybius devotes nearly the whole of Book 12 to an even more scathing attack on Timaeus (12. 15 for his treatment of Agathocles).
ë oĝros igropixòs P, oros ô Tiuaros Suidas. 8 katepevoĝa (s. acc.) P.
31
DIODORUS OF SICILY
2 ePàaopýunoev ceis ròv alôva. kaĝódov yòp Taîs npoümapyovous TÔ PacıideT ToÝT kakiats Ša ToAÀà map éavroô npoobeis ò ovyypagevs, TS uèv eùnuepias åpapoúuevos aùroÔ, TàS òè dro- Teúgets, où tàs ôr? aùrov póvov yevopévas, daààà kal tàs brà TÓXNV perapépwv eis. TOV pnòèv éé- apapróvra.? yevopévov è ópoàoyovuévws aùroô oTparnyıkoð uèv katà Tùv èrivorav, Òpaorikoô ğè kal relappnkõtos kara rhv èv rois kivðúvois eùToÀ- iav, où Ôtadeimer map SANV TYV ioTopiav drokaiĝv aùrTòv Švavðpov kal ÕeÀóv. kaitot ye Tis oÙk olev ôt TÕv mÉnore vvaorevodvrwv oùðels ÀdT- Toow aġoppaîs ypnoápevos peiw Bacideiav Tepe- TorýoaTo; XELPOTÉXVNS yàp ek maiðwv yevópevos se åropíav piov kat maTépwv dõoćíav, eÉ úorTépov cia TÀ iav dperňv où póvov ureàias axed” ANS ékupíevoev, dAd moààùv ris Iraàias re kai Apúns Toîs ràois kareorpéparo. bavuáoa y äv Ts TOÔ avyypahéws TÙY eùxéperav*: map õÀny yàp Tv ypaphvy eykwpudgwv TÀ TÕv Xvpakovoiwv dvòðpeíav, Tòv Toúrwv kparýoavra ŠeAlq pnai dievyvoyévar roùs åmavras àvôpõrnovs. Sià yàp TÕv év raîs évavriwoeow edéyywv hpavepõs ¿oTt TÒ hiàdànbes tis ioropixñs mappnoias mpoðeðwk®s Bias évekev čyxÂpas kal pdovikias. Stórep TÀS éoydras TîS ovvráews TÉVTE piPàovs To ovy- ypaġéws ToúTov, Kab’ ås mepeiànde ràs *Ayabo- kàéovs mpdéeis, oùk dv Tis ĝikalws droðééaro. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 254-255 ; Suidas, s.v. Tiparos.) 4 "Ori kal Kadas ó Zvparkoŭoios Ùikaiws vë kal mpoonkóvrws rarņyopias déwwbein. avaàņgbeis
as
1l yevopévas uóvov Suidas.,
82
BOOK XXI. 17. 1—4
in his history for all time. For, in general, to the bad qualities that this king did in fact possess the historian adds others of his own invention. He strips him of his successes, leaving him his failures—not only those for which the king was himself responsible, but even those due to ill luck, which he transfers to the score of one who was not at all at fault. And though it is generally agreed that the king was a shrewd strategist, and that he was energetic and confident where courage in battle was called for, yet Timaeus throughout his history incessantly calls him a poltroon and coward. Yet who does not know that of all men who ever came to power, none acquired a greater kingdom with fewer resources ? Reared from childhood as an artisan because of scant means and humble parentage, he later, thanks to his own ability, not only became master of nearly all Sicily, but even reduced by arms much of Italy and Libya. One may well marvel at the nonchalance of the historian, who throughout his work praises the people of Syracuse for their courage, but says that he who mastered them surpasses all men in cowardice. The evidence of these contradictions shows clearly that he deserted the honest standard of historical candour to gratify his personal animosity and contentiousness. Conse- quently we cannot fairly accept the last five books of this writer’s history, in which he covers the deeds of Agathocles.
Likewise Callias of Syracuse? might justly and fittingly be held liable to censure. For ever since he
1 For Callias see Jacoby, FGH, no, 564.
2 etapaprávovra Suidas. 3 Suidas omits oxeðóv. 4 eùyerpiav Suidas. åv added by Dindorf, Herwerden.
33
DIODORUS OF SICILY
yàp úr’ 'Ayaloràéovs kal Õwpwv peydàwv dro- Sóuevos Tv npodiriwv rs aàņbeias iortopiav, où diadédorrev dðikws ykwpuatwv ròv puohoðóryv. oùk OÀlywv yàp aùT® nenpaypévwv npòs doecßeias cv kai mapavopias dvôponaw, noiv ò gvy- ypadeùs aùrtòv eùoeßeig kal hiàavðpwrig moù tovs Aous únmepßpeßànkévar* raðóňov è kabdrep ’Ayaboràñs ådþhapoúuevos Tà Tv moùrôv ðw- peiro TÔ ovyypape? unõèv mpooýkovra mapà Tò Sikarov, oùTws ó avpaoròs ioropioypáhos êxyapi- tero ĉia ts ypas drmavra tayalða TÔ Svváory. pgðrov &’ v, oluo, mpòs dpeujv xápıros TÔ ypac? trÕv èykrwpiwv uù) Àceiphivai rÅs èk toô Bacidxot yévovs Swpoðokias.
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 255; Suidas, s.v. Kadias.)
18. "Ori ‘'Ikérav orparnyòv aréàvoav Xuparóocior perà Šuvdpews mpòs Mévwva? moepñoa. kal ué- ype év Tiwos Šieroàéue, puyopayovvrwv rôv êvavriwv kal eis maparaéıv oùvðauðs karaßawóv- tæv. Trv è Kapynõoviwv ovvemidaßopévwv roîs nepi Mévwva, moù Taîs uvaueow Úrepeyovrwv, vaykdoðnoav oi Lupakóciot óvres ðuńpovs rToîs Doir Terpakociovs daàvoaobaı Tov Tóàepov Kal karayayeîv roùs ġvydðas. rv è pohodópwv atıpatopévwv v raîs dpxupeciars, ovvéßn ord- oews mÀypwbivai Tv mów. ĝiaordvrwr* oðv èv Tols ónàois TÕv te Lupakociwv kal trÔv pobo- pópwv, oi mpeoßôrai Õiarpeoßevodpevoi kal ToàÀà SenlévrTes dupotépwv uóyis katéravoav TV Tapa- xùv èni T@' roùs puolopópovs èv Takt® ypóvw tàs 34
BOOK XXI. 17. 4—18. 1
was taken up by Agathocles and for a great price in gifts sold into bondage Madam History, the mouth- piece of truth, he has never ceased singing dishonest praises of his paymaster. Thus, although Agathocles’ acts of impiety to the gods and of lawlessness to men were not few, yet the historian says that he far sur- passed other men in piety and humanity. In general, just as Agathocles robbed the citizens of their goods and gave to the historian, contrary to all justice, what was not his to give, so this remarkable chronicler employed his pen to endow the monarch with all the virtues. It was quite easy, no doubt, in this exchange of favours for the writer not to let his praises fall short of the bribèry coming from the royal family. 18. The people of Syracuse dispatched Hicetas as general with an army to conduct the war against Menon. For a while he carried on the war, so long as the enemy avoided action and refused to face them in battle. But when the Carthaginians, with their vastly superior forces, began to aid Menon, the Syra- cusans were compelled to give four hundred hostages to the Phoenicians, to make an end of hostilities, and to restore the exiles. Then, because the mercenaries were not allowed to vote in the elections, the city was filled with civil strife. Both the Syracusans and the mercenaries had recourse to arms, and it was only with difficulty that the Elders, after long negotiations and many appeals to both factions, ended the dis- turbance on the condition that within a set time the
1 ónepßpeßnkévar Suidas. 3 ypaġeiw P. 3 So Wesseling (throughout) : Maivwva H. 4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : dpyepiais H. 5 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : $iaordávres H. è So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : rò H.
35
289 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
éavrôv krýoes' dnoðouévovs áredbeîv ék Wikedlas. toúýrwv è kvupwbévræwv, ot pèv évo kaŭTà TAS ópoàoyias êkàùmóvres Tàs Xupakőócas kal rapa- yevnlévres èri rov mophuöv, úreðéyőnoav úrò tv 2 Mecoonviwv ws äv pidot kal oúupayoi. Úrò Šè” Eai A~ + 3 t ti S tôv noùrôv hoppõvws avaàņglévres eis tàs olkias, vurròs edóvevoav roùs únoðećauévovs, kal A $ F A TÀS TOÚTWV YVVAÎKAS YÝMAVTES KATÉOXOV TŇV TÕÀLW. ? A ` (A f > k! ayy ekdàccav Sè raúryv Mapeprivyv arò toô ”Apews, Sià Tò Torov kara Tùy ékeivæwv ĉidàerrov Maduep- tov kaàeîohar? (Exe. Hoesch. p. 493 W.) ka e + A hJ E: À 7 3 Orı ot puobodópot kara tàs ópodoyias kÀ- móvres tràs Łupakoúcas mpocedéyínoav úrò tÕv Mecoonviwv, œs àv pidot kat oúppayor. úmò õè m~ Ea A > [A 3 ki trÔv moùrõv hidoppóvws avaàņnglévres eis rtàs bwrikàs oikias vuktòs póvevoav roùs úrmoðeča-
A F. Eas . uévovs, kat tàs TÔv mapavounlévrwv yvvaîkas
YÁUAVTES KATÉOXOV TYV TÓÀW. (Const. Eze. 2 (1), p. 256.) Oîs yap où péreori Tis ðnuapxias, ToúTovs oùðė tis úno ðņnuapyov kupovuévys pýßov kowwveîy í (Exc. Hoesch. p. 493 W.)
1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : xriceis H.
2 So Herwerden : yàp H.
3 The following fragment, if Diodorean, belongs here: “Pwuato yàp ToÙs nodepikoùs Maueproòs xañoðow, ös ioropeî mov Ej „Abõwpos Å Ñ Awr où yàp árppâs pépa ypáßer yàp oðrwoí nws Meonviovs KkaTtakópavres ToÙS Únoðečauévovs aùroùs karéoyov Meońvyv kal Mapueproùs éavroùs wvóuocav TovTéoT: noàeuikovs. Mapepròs yàp ó “Apns mapà ‘Pwuaioirs kadeîrar. (Tzetzes, on the Alegandra of Lycophron, v. 938.)
4 After kowwve®v H has aloypòv yap orti TÒ uèv õvoua pépeiw IEýppov ro Ayiéws vioô, raîs Sè mpdéeoi paiveoĝar. Qepoirny, deleted by Hoeschel (cp. chap. 21. 12).
36
BOOK XXÍİ. 18. 1-
mercenaries should sell their possessions and leave Sicily. After these terms had been ratified; the mercenaries left Syracuse in accordance with the agreement ; and when they reached the Strait, they were welcomed by the people of Messana as friends and allies. But when they had been hospitably re- ceived into the homes of the citizens, they slew their hosts in the night, married their wives, and took possession of the city. They named this city Mamer- tina after Ares, since in their language ! he is called Mamertos.
When the mercenaries had left Syracuse in accor- dance with the agreement, they were welcomed by the people of Messana as friends and allies. But when they had been hospitably received by the citizens into their own homes, they slew their hosts in the night, married the wives of the men they had so wronged, and took possession of the city.
Those who are not eligible for ? the tribunate may not participate in a vote sanctioned by a tribune.
1 ġe. Oscan, where the proper form of the god’s name is, however, Mamers. Though the people called themselves Mamertines, it is not, apparently, true that the city was ever called Mamertina. The uncertain fragment from Tzetzes (see critical note) says : “ The Romans call those who are warlike Mamertines, as either Diodorus or Dio (my recollection is un- certain) records somewhere, in words to this effect: Having slaughtered the Messanians who had entertained them, they seized Messana and called themselves Mamertines, that is, warlike. For among the Romans, Ares is called Mamertos.” Scheer ends the citation with the word Messana.
2 More literally, “ who have no share in.” The passage probably relates, not to the civil strife at Syracuse (above, chap. 18. 1), as Dindorf apparently thought, but to the legislation of Q. Hortensius at Rome in 287 B.c. Patricians, who were ineligible for the post of tribunus plebis, were in theory excluded from the plebeian assemblies.
VOL. XI T 37
c. 288 B.C.
287 B.C.
SJ
DIODORUS OF SICILY
19. [Myvýóoei © drpipéorepov trò Tis yvvaos Hlos mpoïdv ò Àðyos kal Tà npdypara Àaufávovra ueraßoàiv kat kpiow èoyarny tis nepi Anuhrpiov Baocıàcias.] (Diod. 19. 59. 6.)
20. “Ori To Anunrpiov pvàatrtopévov eis Hed- àav Avoipayos mpéoßes anooteias Ñéiov TÒvV Eéàevkov unòevi Tpómw Ttv Anpýrprov êk tôv xepõv dgeîvar, nmÀcovéktyy àvðpa kat nâo Toîs Pacidedow émpeßovàevkóra: énnyyéàdero 8è aùr® Swer únrèp rs dvupécews ts ToútTov Tdàavra õıoyiM\a. ó è Pacıàcùs rToîs pèv mpeofevraîs eneriunoe napakaàoĝow aùròv uù) põvov aberioa miotw, GÀÀà kal eist ouvvwkerwuévov aùÙT® TÒ pÚOOS ekeîvo? eraveàéobar mpòs è ròv viðv ’Avri- oyov èv rÀ Mnòig SiaTpipovra ypáļas, cvvefov- Àcvoe* 'TÂS xpoTéov eoriv TO ÂANuNTpiw. kekpikds yàp v aùrtòv aroàúew kal katráyew èri TÀV Bacidciav peyañonpenrðs: čonevõev è kal Tùv To vio yapıiv gvveniypdar rais eùepyeciais, ws äv yeyapnróros aŭro Zrparovirny Tùy AnunTpiov kal Tékva yeyevvnkóros É aùtTĝs.
(Const. Exe. 2 (1), p. 256.)
. “Ore Se? roîs pèv modepiois eivat popepw-
TaTov, Toîs Sè piois apéveiw Pépara npoonvé- oTaTOV.
° Ereb) kar èkeîvov òv kapòv dyvońoavrtes rò
TEÒ) pov ayvoń S TÒ
1 els added by Wesseling. 2 7ò added by Dindorf. 3 So Valesius: púsoos reîvov 4 Dindorf suggests avveßovàcúoaTto.
i Phila, daughter of Antipater and wife of Demetrius Poliorcetes. She 'committed suicide soon after Demetrius lost Macedon in 287 B.c.
38
BOOK XXI. 19. 1—21. 2
19. [The sequel of our narrative and the sudden change in circumstances, which brought on the final crisis of the kingdom of Demetrius, will reveal more clearly the character of the woman.!]
20. While Demetrius was held under guard in Pella, Lysimachus sent ambassadors to Seleucus with the request that he should on no account release Demetrius from his power, since he was a man of restless ambition and had plotted against all the kings; he offered to give Seleucus two thousand talents to do away with him. But the king rebuked the ambassadors for urging him not only to set at naught his solemn pledge but also to incur that pollution in respect of a man allied to him by mar- riage.? To his son Antiochus, who was in Media, he wrote, advising 4 him how to deal with Demetrius. For he had previously decided fo release him and restore him with great pomp to his throne, but wanted to give his son joint credit for this kindness, since Antiochus had married Stratonicê, the daughter of Demetrius, and had begot children by her.
21. One should be most formidable to one’s ene- mies, but to one’s friends be most steadfastly cor- dial.5
Since on that occasion through ignorance of what
2 Another name for Apameia in Syria (Strabo, 752). Demetrius died there in 283 s.c.
3 Seleucus had married Stratonicê, daughter of Demetrius, and had since given her in marriage to his son Antiochus.
4 Or perhaps “ asking his advice ” : see critical note.
ë The only clue to the context of these fragments is given by the mention of Pyrrhus. Dindorf suggests that they derive in part from the debate of the Tarentines over invoking the aid of Pyrrhus against the Romans, in part from the con- Aen of Pyrrhus with Cineas (cp. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 13-14).
39
After 285 B.0.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
avupépov rois mpòs yápiw Àóyors ènņrodovðýoare, võv Toîs épyois éwparóres Tà karà TùV yøpav àrvxýuata peraðıðayðnre.
3 Tò pèv yàp dyvoñoai more rarà ròv Biov èorlv davðpónov, rò è èri roîs aùroîs mpádyuacı mÀcov- dris úuaprávew réàcov dźeornkóros rois àoyiapoîs. ow yàp màeloow éiatrtrópaoı mepirentórauev, Tocoútrw peikovos Tiuwpias Äri tvye ördáp- yopev. .
4 Eri rocoôtov ydp tiwes rÊv moMrõv mpoeànàú- Dagi mÀcovečias wore Poúàeohat Toùs lovs otrovs Aapmpoùs katackeváģew ék TÖV Ts marplðos dTvgnuáTwv.
5 Oi Sè mepi roùs Bonloðvras roîs Aois åvouń- gavtes nÕs äv yphouwTo mepi aŭrôv;
6 “Ori ðe rois èv huapryuévois odvar ovyyvá- LNY, eis ÔÈ Tòv Àoirròv ypóvov čyew eipńvnv.
T "Ori où SeT voùs åuaprhoavras èr mavròs tpó- mov koàdgew, GÀÀà Toùs emi Tos uaprnuévois uÙ peraðDaokouévovs.
8 "Ori mporepe napà roîs åvôðpórois uèv èmel- Kea TÀs òpyis, ý è eùepyeoia TÕs Teuwpias.
9 "Ori rañòv kat evleróv ori Avew uèv Àv èxôpav, dvreodyeiw Sè diàlav. Örav yàp cis àmopiav Eby ó ävðpwnros, emi mpúrny riv rôv piiwv pwy” óppőv erwbev. (Exe. Hoesch. pp. 493-494 W.) PE rav eis dmopiav Aby oTpatudTns åÀÀd-
vos, emi mpworTny tùy trv piÀwv åprnaynv ðpuĝâv PAS» POTY TÀ $ prayÌv õpu
1 So Post: aùrâv H. 40
BOOK XXI. 21. 2-9
was to your advantage you gave heed to flattering words, now that you have seen in actuality the mis- fortunes that pervade the country, be better in- structed.
For it is but human to go astray now and again in the course of one’s life, but to err repeatedly in the same circumstances marks a man as totally disordered in his calculations. For the more numerous the failures we have met with, the greater is the punishment that we deserve to get.
Some of our citizens have gone so far in their greed for gain as to wish to raise their own estates to great- ness at the expense of their country’s misfortunes.
How can men who have treated unjustly those who aid their fellow men find such aid for themselves ?
We should grant pardon for the mistakes of the past, and henceforth live in peace.
We should not punish without exception those who have made mistakes, but only those who do not learn better by the mistakes they have made.
Among mortals fair dealing is better than anger, and an act of kindness better than punishment.
It is right and suitable to wipe out enmity and replace it with friendship. For when a man gets into straits, he is wont to turn first to his friends for aid.!
When an alien soldier gets into straits, he is wont to turn first to plundering his friends.
1 So the text, as emended by Reiske. The discovery, later, of the parallel Vatican fragment might seem to pre- clude the emendation, but it still seems to give a better sense, and it is possible that the speaker was contrasting two types
of behaviour. The sense of the unemended reading is “ to turn first to plundering his friends.”
2 Capps suggests eùàdßerav for eipývnv. 3 So Reiske : dáprayyy H.
4l
DIODORUS OF SICILY
10 ”Euguros yàp osa rtoîs Baoieðow ý roô mÀéo- vos èmiuuia Toraúrns oùk dhé£erar móàcws. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 346.) “Ore čuġuros osa rois dvðpøros ý roô màÀciovos émbuuia ris roraúrns ópuñs oùð ôàws dpéčeror.
11 Ae yàp Tò TĝS nepnpavias péyelos. kal Tò TĝS eobiros Tupavvikòv oikot huàdrrew, eis Dè móàw ¿hevlépav eloióvTa Toîs êvldðe vópois neibeoba.
12 Oô yáp TS TÒ yévos Kal TÀ Paodciay kerin- povőuņkKe, ToúTOV Peýoe kal Tîs eùðoğias yevé- aĝa Šıdõoyos' aloxpov yáp ote TÒ pèv òvopa hépew Ilúppou roô `Ayıàéws, rais Sè mpáéeoi paiveobðar Oepoiry.
13 “Oow yáp TiS TÀelovos kupieðer Sóéns, TOToŬTg peitovo xapi čke roîs airiois Tv eÙÒrvynuárwv. wore Öv ÕúvaTal Tis Tuyyáveww perà öns kal yápıros, TovTwv oùk äv émIuuýoa merà dðikias? kal oveiðovs kupieĝoar.
14 Kaàòv oĝv otw, © àvôpwrot, êv roîs dÀÀ Tp ors áuaprýpaoı mepi rs iias dodadcias Àaußdvew
4: ~ TV meipav.
15 "Ori où e? mpokpivew tiwà Tis èv ouyyeveias TÅ AAÀOTpLÓTNTA, TiS è TÕV ovpudywV eùvoias TÒ TÕV moàepiwv picos. (Exc. Hoesch. p. 494 W.)
42
BOOK XXI. 21. 1015
The greed that is innate in kings will not hold aloof from such a city.
The greed that is innate in mankind will not alto- gether abstain from such an enterprise.
For the pomp of pride and the raiment of tyranny should be kept at home, and when one enters a city of freemen, one should obey its laws.
When a man has inherited the blood and dominion of another, he will want to succeed to his good name also. For it is shameful to bear the name of Pyrrhus, son of Achilles, and to show oneself in conduct a Thersites.?
The greater the reputation that a man possesses, the greater will be his gratitude to those who are the authors of his good fortune. Hence a man will not desire to obtain dishonestly and dishonourably the things that he can get with honour and goodwill.
It is therefore well, gentlemen, to find in other men’s mistakes the experience you need for your own safety.
One should never prefer the foreign to that which is kindred, nor yet the hatred of enemies to the loyalty of comrades-in-arms.
1 Cp. the rebuke addressed to Philip of Macedon by the orator Demades (above, Book 16. 87).
1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : peitovos H. 2 So Rhodoman: åôtxiav H.
43
FRAGMENTA LIBRI XXII
1. "Ori mdrpióv ori roîs ”Hrepóras ph póvov mept? ris ilas marpiðos aywviteohat, åÀàà kal Úrèp rÔv hiwv kal ovupdywv riwvvevew.
2 "Or Aékos ó ‘Pwpaîos yiàlapyos pódat yevé- pevos ‘Pyyiov ĉià Iúppov ròv Baciàéa karéodatev aùToùs kal TAS kTýoeLS kal TÒS yuvaîkas iÔrororý- caro. Karavot òè orot foav, kal éroincav karà Tòv porov tpónrov Mapeprívois, Ğonep ekeîvor Meconviovs? opdéavres. eira Tùv Siaipeow rÂs kTýoews TÕV ŅTuynkóTwv õikov momoduevos é£é- mecev ék To ‘Pyyiov puyadevheis rò rôv iblwv Kauravðv. ovvýpyņoav è kal Mapeprõivor ... perà trv Ànphévrar” ypnpárwv orparnyòv eroin- cav. kal Ò) ophadpias vóoov aùròv mepieyovons, TÕv larpôv ròv Õókıpov peracrtTeiÀauévov aùrToð, oĝros* Tùv ÜBpiv ts martpiðos érðixðv kavhapiow úmýàcuje rov Aékiov kal tÑs ópdoews aùròv dre- ortépnoé kai ġeúyei éx Meoońvys.
(Exe. Hoesch. pp. 494-495 W.)
1 So Herwerden : ért H. 2 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman ; ¿xewvovs Meonvéovs H. 3? So Rhodoman: Àeiphéewvrærv H. 4 oĉros added by Wesseling. 5 So Schaefer : éreorépnoe H.
44
FRAGMENTS OF BOOK XXII
1. It is traditional with the people of Epirus not only to fight for their own country but also to face danger in defence of their friends and allies.
Decius, the Roman tribune, appointed to guard c. 280 s.c.
Rhegium because of King Pyrrhus, slaughtered the men of the city and appropriated their wives and pro- perty. These soldiers were Campanians, and acted just as the Mamertines did, after they slaughtered the men of Messana. Then because his distribution of the property of the victims was unjust, Decius was driven out of Rhegium and was sent into exile by his own Campanians. The Mamertines also gave assis- tance . . . with the money that was plundered, and made him general. On a certain occasion, being afflicted with a disease of the eye, he summoned the lcading physician ; and he, to avenge the outrage to his fatherland, anointed Decius’ eyes with a salve made from the blister-beetle, thus deprived him of his sight, and then fled from Messana.!
1 The Hoeschel excerptor has badly garbled the narrative, as comparison with the Constantinian version, which follows, makes evident. The story is told at greater length and with some variations by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Ant. Rom. 20. 4-5; cp. also Polybius, 1. 7). Dionysius states that the garrison was sent by the Roman consul Fabricius, and that he later relieved the oppressed city, but it ìs not clear whether his consulship of 282 or 278 s.c. is intended. On Decius Vi- bellius see AÑ, s.v. “ Vibellius ” (1), and Broughton, Magis- trates, Suppl. (1960), p. 69.
45
DIODORUS OF SICILY
3 "Ore eis rò ‘Púyiov dmeordàņn gpovpà órò ‘Pwpaiwv. ó ðè yıàiapyos Aékıos, Tò yévos Kap- mavós, mÀcoveĝig kal TõÀAuŅ Õıahépwv èjuuýoaro Tùy TÔv MapepTivwv mapavopiav. èkeîvoi Te yàp npooðeybévres rò Meoonviwv òs pidor tùv pèv mó kareàdßBovro, roùs è Meoonviovs èri rìs iias éorias ékdorovs oßġáćavres čyņpav tàs tv bio$évwv yvvaîkas kai Tàs TÔv opayévrwv krýoes Kkaréoyov: oi è mepi ròv Aékiov Kapravoi ŝo- Bévres ónrò ‘Powpaiwv púňakes rôv ‘Pryivwv ethàwoav rv rovtrwv wpóTNTa: Tods- yàp ‘Pyyivovs opdgavres kal ràs kTýoeis ŠieÀðuevot karéoyov Tův mów œs ŠopikrnrTov. ó è émi tis $povpâs reraypévos Aékios éźapyvpiodpevos TàS TÕV ÑTVXN- kórwv kTýoes Kat thv Šiaipeow tis ©pedeias dõkov momoduevos égénmeoev èk roô ‘Pryyiov, pvyaðevleis úrò rôv ovvaceßnoavrwv Kauravôv. où uv ekéhvyov rův ttuwpiav oi mapavouýoavres, daÀX’ d èv Aékios eis oġbaàpiav yaierhv èuTeocàv uerenéjaro Tv iarpõv tòv àpiorov: oros &è Thv únèp Tis matpiõos Tıuwpiav' \außpdvwv ikavôs kavbapiow ómýàcuje ròv Aékiov kal TÑs ópdoews avrov oTepýoas čġvyev èk tis Meoońvys.
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 256-257.) 2. Karà Sè Zıkeàiav oav rúpavvori ‘Ikéras èv Zvpakóoy, Divrias eis ` Akpáyavra, Tuvõðapiwv? èv
Tavpoueviw, kat črepor Tv èñarróvwv móàewv. ivrias è kal ‘Ikéras mpòs aààńàovs móàeuov
evorņnoduevot maperačavro mept ròv “Yfpàaov, kal
bl y. ʻI jd > t %. AS Tv viry ‘Ikéras amyvéykaro. kartaðpopàs è
1 So Valesius: rapavoplav P. 2 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Tvvôápios H.
46
BOOK XXII. 1. 3—2. 1
A garrison was sent to Rhegium by the Romans. Decius the tribune, a Campanian by race and a man of unusual greed and daring, imitated the lawless conduct of the Mamertines. For although the Mamer- tines had been received as friends by the people of Messana, they seized control of the city, slaughtered the men, each at his own hearth, married the wives of: their own hosts, and possessed -themselves of the property of their victims. So Decius and his Cam- panians, though they had been sent by. Rome to guard the inhabitants of Rhegium, emulated the savagery of the Mamertines ; for they slaughtered the citizens, divided up their property, and occupied the city as a prize of war. Decius, who had been appointed commander of the garrison, converted into money the property of the hapless populace; and because he made an unfair distribution of the spoils, was driven out of Rhegium and sent into exile by the Campanians, his partners in guilt. The transgressors did not, however, escape punishment, but Decius, when he had a severe attack of ophthalmia, called in the best of the physicians, who, taking revenge for his country, anointed him amply with blister-beetle salve, and having robbed Decius of his sight fled from Messana.
2. Throughout Sicily there were tyrants, Hicetas in Syracuse, Phintias in Acragas, Tyndarion in Tauro- menium, and others in the lesser cities. A war arose between Phintias and Hicetas, and when they met in battle near the Hyblaeus, Hicetas was victorious ;
1 Probably the upper part of the Hyrminius River, in the region of Hybla Heraea.
4&7
DIODORUS OF SICILY
mpòs dAÀàovs moroŭpevoi tàs krýoeis Šiýpracav, Tv è xwpav dyewpynrov èroincav. ‘Ikéras ŝè T vicy èmapóuevos maperáčaro mpòs Kapynņðo- vious, kal Àeipbeis moñàoùs otpatıbras améßañe
2 mepi rov Typiav morauóv. kriter è Dwrias mów, ovoudoas ariv Dwridõa, Teàwovs åvaordrovs õvras oikioas? èv aùrf' ori Sè arn? mapabaàdo- cost kaĝapõðv rà Telyn kal tàs oikias? Ttoùs àaodùs ris Déas eis riv Owrdòa uerýveyke, Krisas rTeîyos kal dyopav ačıóoyov kal vaoùs leðv.
3 "Oev parpóvov yeyovóros, úrò macôv rv mó- Àcwv ¿uojn rõv oùoðv úr aùr, kal Toùs mpòs ppovpàv òvras ¿iwéav, èv oîs mpôrov anéornoav ’Ayvpwaîor. (Exc. Hoesch. p. 495 W.)
4 "On Owrias trôv móàcwv Piaiws čpywv ral moods TÕV eùmópwv avapðv Úno Tv ÝToTETaY- pévwv ià Tùy mapavouiav épuoeîro. Siórmep árdv- Twv övrw? nmpòs dróoracw, Tayò TaTewwbels Lereßaàero Tòv Tpórov kal piavðpwrórtepov dpywv ciakaréoyev aùroùs Ùmò yeîpa.
3. "Ori Iroàeuatos ó Makesóvwv Baoideds rhv èv ùikiav véos ©@v mavreàðs, mpayudtrwv ĝè nmoàeuikÂv repos, púoer è Opacùs kal mporerhs oùðev rv ypnoiuwv mpoevoeîro: TOv yàp piwv aù- TÒ ovubovàevóvræwv avaðéčaoðaı Toùs dġvortepoðv- TAS, OÙ TpOCÉOXEV. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 257.)
1 So Wesseling : àņngleis H. 2 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : oixýoas H. 3 So Dindorf: aùr) H. 4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : rapaladasciovs H. 5 kal after oèxias deleted by Hoeschel.
48
BOOK XXII. 2. 1—3. Ì
in their raids against one another, they pillaged the estates and made the district a wasteland. Hicetas was so elated by his victory that he joined battle with the Carthaginians, but was defeated and lost many men near the river Terias. Phintias founded a city, which he named Phintias, settling in it the inhabitants of Gela, who were driven from their homes. This city, Phintias, is by the sea. He tore down the walls and houses of Gela, and transferred its people to Phintias, where he had built a wall, a notable market- place, and temples of the gods.
Hence, since he had shown himself a bloodthirsty murderer, all the cities subject to him came to loathe him and drove out their garrisons, the first to revolt being the people of Agyrium.!
Since Phintias ruled the cities by main force and put to death many of the wealthy men, his lawlessness won him the hatred of his subjects ; consequently, since all were at the point of revolt, he was soon humbled, changed his ways, and by a more humane rule held his subjects under control.
3. Ptolemy,? the king of the Macedonians, being quite young and inexperienced in the business of war, and being by nature rash and impetuous, exer- cised no prudence or foresight. For instance, when his friends advised him to wait for the troops which were tardy in arriving, he paid no attention.
1 Diodorus is constantly alert to opportunities for singling out his native city for mention.
2 Ptolemy Keraunos, son of Ptolemy I Soter by Eurydicê.
He was proclaimed king of Macedonia by the army in 280 B.C. and was killed in 279 r.c.
6 övyrwv éroípww Valesius ; ióvrav Post; Wesseling defends the text. ? 8 é òroùs H den: å éi òs P rakaréoyev aùroùs Herwerden : ŝrakatéoye roùs P.
49
280/79 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
2 "Or órò adar Iroàepaios ó Baoideds èogd- yn kal nmâoa ý Marxeðovc) Súvapıs Kkarekómn Kal ðrephdpn. (Exe. Hoesch. p. 495 W.) 4 Karà è roùs ypóvovs Toúrovs, rv Tadarôv émixeruévwv t Mareðovig kai Aenàarovvrwv aù- TÚV, òra Tò moods eneupaivovras ti Pacıideig mpòs Ppayù kpareîv kal ekminrew abris, v efs kal Meàéaypos, dðeàdòs Iiroepaiov roô Adáyov, Tps oàiyas ńuépas vuvacreúsas xal èkreocov' wcavtTws è Koi Avrimartpos huépos Tescapákovra névre’ ue’ oùs Dwolévns, éri è Iroàepatos, mpòs òè roúrois 'Aàéfavôpos xai Tuúppos ó 'Hrepórys’ oi mdvres ETN Tpia katrà Aióðwpov. , f (Georgius Syncellus, p. 507.3) 5. “Ori 'Aroàóðwpos émðéuevos tupavviðı kal Pepurðoa kpivaşs tùv ovvwuociav, ueipakickov rwa piov aùroô kaàécas &©s èri Ovolav kal cofayıdoas rToîs Îeoîs rd te omàdyyva Toîs ovvo- pócacıv wke dayeîv kal Tò aÎua Kepáoas otvo meîv mapekeÀevcaTo. i 2 "Ori ò aùròs 'Arodódwpos Taàdras eúpàv kal Toúrois ôrmàa ods kai Õwpeaîs tuýoas Šopv- pópois xpĵTo motots kal mpòs Tàs koàdoeis ev- érois òà Tv @pórnra. tàs è rv eùrópwv oùoias nueúwv mÀñbos yonuárwv Ňpoitev. àva-
1 Ed. Dindorf, Bonn, 1829.
1 If the text is right Meleager was an uncle of Ptolemy Keraunos. Eusebius (1. 235 Schoene) calls him a brother.
2 Antipater “ Etesias,” a nephew of Cassander.
3? A Macedonian, probably one of the generals of Lysi- machus, he refused the proffered crown but did serve as commander of the army. Bengtson, Die Strategie in d. 50
BOOK XXII. 3. 2—5. 2
King Ptolemy was slain and the whole Macedo- 279 s.c.
nian army was cut to pieces and destroyed by the Gauls. i
4. During this period the Gauls attacked Mace- 279-17 or 276 B.C.
donia and harried it, since there were many claim- ants to the kingship, who possessed themselves of it briefly and were driven out. One of these was: Meleager, a brother of Ptolemy, son of Lagus,* who ruled for only a few days and was then expelled. Similarly, Antipater ? ruled for forty-five days. After them came Sosthenes, then Ptolemy,*t as well as Alexander, and Pyrrhus of Epirus. All together they ruled for three years, according to Diodorus.
5. Apollodorus, who aimed at a tyranny, and c. 28 B.o.
thought to render the conspiracy secure, invited a young lad, one of his friends, to a sacrifice, slew him as an offering to the gods, gave the conspirators his vitals to eat, and when he had mixed the blood with wine, bade them drink it.
This same Apollodorus, having recruited some Gauls, furnished them too with arms, and, when he had conferred gifts upon them, found them loyal guardsmen and convenient tools, because of their cruelty, to execute his punishments. By confiscating the property of the well-to-do he amassed great
hellenist. Zeit, 2. 381 ff., denies that Sosthenes was of ignoble birth, and notes the choice of a strategos to head the state, in lieu of a king, as a reversion to earlier practices.
4 Probably a son of Lysimachus.
6 Possibly another son of Lysimachus, or he may be identical with the Arrhiìdaeus named in Eusebius (1. 285 Schoene).
€ The leader of a proletarian revolntion in Cassandreia, a new city founded by Cassander in 316 s.c. on the site of Potidaea. He was finally subdued by Antigonus Gonatas in 276 B.C.
51
DIODORUS OF SICILY
BiBdoas è tods orpatiwrikods puobods kal pera- Sods roîs mévnoi ris eùnopias Súvajuv déióàoyov mepemoroaTo. èkrpaneis è eis &uórmra kal màcovečiav eloenpdtreTo TOÙS TOÀATIKOÙS yphuarta, kal moňdoùs uèv ävôpas, oùk dàiyas è yvvaîkas T da TÂv Bacávæav Tıuwpig Biatóuevos ğváykace mávras’ äpyvpov kal ypvoðv mapaðıðóvaı. eye Šè Tupavviðos eionyntTiv kal Sðdokadov Kadipõvra Ttov Zureàdv, ovvõiarerpihóra moois tois karà TV Zixediav Tupávvois. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 257.)
6 Or Ù Koðpeia vik mapouia èsriv. eor è ovTw: Tò Toùs vicýoavras guupopàv yew, roùs è ýrTNuévovs pnõèv kwõuveúew ià rò uéyebos Tis Nyepovias. (Exc. Hoesch, p. 495 W.) 2 "Ori Iúppos ó Bagideùs moods tôv ’Hrepw-
Tv TÔv ovvõiaßepyrórwv ånoßeßànkós, ènei tis NpäTqoev aŭròv tõv iDiofévaw TÖS TÀ karà TÀV páx™ åmývrnoev aðtĝ, einev örn? èàv čri puĝ udxņ vxýoņn roùs ‘Pwpaiovs, oùõeis aùrô tôv otpaTiwrÂv TÂ ovvåiaßeßnkórwv åroňeipbřoera. Taîs yàp aànbeiais amdoas tàs vikas čoye Kaôpelas kata Tùv mapoyriav: oi yàp ýrrylévres oùðèv eramewónoav ià TÒ péyeßos îs iyepovias, ó òè A E EA Tõv rrypévav Pàdpyv kal ovupopàv 3 "Ori Kivéas mpeoßevrs åmooradeis mapà IHvppov
mepi Õraúoews mpòs “‘Pwpalovs, otos merorios’
b So Post: rdvra P. ; So Horschel, Rhodoman: 7 H. čr added by Herwerden. Ön enei see Introducti TL š ucti p. xviii. t So Dindorf: moros V. i S
52
BOOK XXII. 5. 2—6. 3
wealth. Then, by an increase in the pay of his soldiers, and by sharing his riches with the poor, he made himself master of a formidable force. But turning then to cruelty and greed he began to exact money from the citizens at large, and by inflicting the penalty of torture upon many men and more than a few women he forced everyone to hand over gold and silver. His guide and tutor in tyranny was Calliphon the Sicel, who had lived at the court of many of the Sicilian tyrants.
6. A “ Cadmean victory ’ sion. It signifies that the victors suffer misfortune, while the defeated are not endangered because of the magnitude of their dominion.*
King Pyrrhus had lost many of the Epirotes who had crossed over 2 with him, and when one of his friends asked how he had fared in the battle, he replied : “ If I win a victory in one more battle with the Romans, I shall not have left a single soldier of those who crossed over with me.” In very truth, all his victories were, as the proverb has it, Cadmean ; for the enemy, though defeated, were in no way humbled, since their dominion was so great, whereas the victor had suffered the damage and disaster that commonly go with defeat.
Cineas, whom Pyrrhus sent as ambassador to treat for terms with the Romans, was a persuasive diplomat,
1 Guidas refers the expression to those who are victorious in battle but lose more men than the enemy.
2 Into Italy. The battle took place near Heraecleia, and Pyrrhus commemorated his victory by a dedication at Dodona (Dittenberger, SylHlogé?, 392).
53
is a proverbial expres- 280 s.c.
280 or 279 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
öv & TË Tpeopevew kal pa modure Tos evbérors E8ibov. oi sè oùk éàaßov tarta, mávres sè piav kal Tv aùrùr’ anrókpiow wrav aùtÂ, ôT. võv èv Švros aùroĝ modepiov unõapðs åpuő- bew Thv Swpeáv, êav è karanpaënrtai TV eipývnv kal yévnTar pios Pwpaiwv, hòéws mpooðéteoba? Týv daw oñoav åkaryyópnrov. zai AE (Const. Exc. 4, pp. 346-347.) ; Te Pwrias ó Qwridõos rriorwp, ’Akpd- yavros Túpavvos, elðev õvap Snov rv roô Blov kataotpopiv, : îr „Čyprov Kuvnyoðvros,* öppioa kar’ aùroî tòv ôv Kal TÙùV TÀevpàv aŭro Toîs dodot nardğaı kal Sıedoavra Tùv TÀNyÙv KTE- var.
2 "Or ‘Icéras êvvéa črn ðvvaoreúoas Xvpakócas rò Ooivwvos® ro Mapéws” êkßáňderar ris tupav- viðos.
3 "On Ooírwy kal Xworparos Sıaðeğduevor ‘Iké-
Tav, oŬTw Táùv mpokañoðvrar Tlúppov ròv Baoiàéa
eis Xukediav.
4 “Or Mapeprivor ot Meconviovs dodopovýoavres?
ovuuayiav perà Kapynõoviwv moiýoavres, ëkpwav
kowñ Srarwàvew Iúppov riv eis Zixedlav Sidßaow: aùrùv added by Mai.
So Dindorf: mpooĝétaoĝar V.
So Hoeschel, Rhodoman: xrýrwp H.
So Hoeschel, Rhodoman :. kuvyyoôvra H. Al editors, following Rhodoman, give the false reading
CE
So Wesseling (throughout): Owlwvos H. So Dindorf : Mauéwv H, Mauuéws Hoeschel, Rhodoman. So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Meoońvnv Soñogovýoavras H.
Opinion is divided on the date of this incident, and on 54
BOOK XXII. 6. 3—7. 4
and, in addition, offered valuable presents to the appropriate persons. They did not accept these presents, but all gave him the selfsame answer, that since he was at this time an enemy, such a gift was quite unfitting ; if, however, he should bring about a peace and become a friend of the Roman people, they would gladly accept his gift, which would then be above reproach.!
7. Phintias, the founder of the city of Phintias and tyrant of Acragas, had a dream that revealed the manner of his death : he was hunting a wild boar, when the swine rushed at him, struck his side with its tusks, pierced him through, and killed him.?
Hicetas had ruled Syracuse for nine years when he was thrust from power by Thoenon, the son of Mameus.
When Thoenon and Sostratus? had succeeded Hicetas, they once again invited King Pyrrhus to come to Sicily.
The Mamertines, who had treacherously murdered the men of Messana, having made an alliance with the Carthaginians, decided to join them in trying to prevent Pyrrhus from crossing over into Sicily. But
the question whether Cineas made a single mission to Rome, or two.
2 Among the coins issued by Phintias some bear on the reverse the figure of a boar, on the obverse the head either of Artemis (sometimes inscribed “ Soteira ”) or of the river-god Acragas. The story recorded here may well be related to the coin-types, whether or not it is a later invention.
3 Thoenon was later put to death by Pyrrhus (Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 23; Dionysius Hal. Ant. Rom, 20. 8}. Sostratus is possibly a grandson of the Sostratus (or Sosistratus) of Book 19. 3 ff.; here, as there, the name appears in both forms,
55
2793B0.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
Tuvõapiwv Sè ó Tavpopevlas Túpavvos črÀwe mpòs aùróv, kal éroruos ÑV Õéfachat TH móet tràs per aùroô ĝvvápeis.
5 “Or Kapynsóviot ovppayiav moroavres perà ‘Pwpaiwv mevrakociovs ävõpas čÀaßov els ràs bias vaðs, kal eis rò ‘Púyiov ĉiaßávres mpooßoààs moroŭpevoi TÑs pèv? moopkias anéornoav, Thv Šè mapeokevaopévnv ÙÀnv eis vauvnyyiay evénpnoav,? kat Öéuewav huàdrrovres Tòv moplpóv, mapa- Tnpoðvres thv ciaßaow TIppov.
6 “Or Oowvwvos ris Nýjoov kvupieúovros, kal Zw- orTpárov rs Łupakóoņns rTvpavvoðvros, čyovres* oTpatubTas puuplovs Õreroàépovv AÀńÀors*: dp- pórtepor Sè kduvovres èv TÔ moàéuw rerpeoßevovro npòs Húppov.
8. “Ori Tlúppos èv `Iradiq èmoàéunoev éry Svo kal uîvas réooapas. ÖT ToútTov mapaokevato- uévov mpòs tòv ékmàovv, tràs Evpakósas Kapyn- Òóvior émotóprkovv kal karà yõv kal katà Qdáartrtav, ékarov vavoiv eġoppoûvres? TÔ peydàw Ùpéve meli è mévre pvpidot mÀnolov tV Teyõv artpateúovtes," Tayýpeis ovveyov tovs %vpako-
N A A l4 y gloVS, KaL TYV XØPAV AÙTÕV KATATpEXOVTEŞ EPN ov
2 katTeckevacav. ÕlÒ T moÀépw KáuvovTesS ot Lupa- kóotot ràs àriõas eÎyov èv TÔ Iúppw ðià Advac- cav? tùv yvvaîka, trùv Îvyarépa `Ayalokàćovs, EE hs éyévvnoev `Adétavðpov vióv, kat ĉia ToôrTo
1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : ĝééar H.
2? uèv transferred here by Dindorf from a position after apooßoàas, above.
3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : evéreipav H.
4 Wurm suggests čyovros Šè (cp. chap. 8. 4). 5 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman: aààńàovs H.
56
BOOK XXII. 7. 4—8. 2
Tyndarion, the tyrant of Tauromenia, inclined in favour of Pyrrhus and was ready to receive his forces into the city.
The Carthaginians, having made an alliance with the Romans, took five hundred men ? on board their own ships and sailed across to Rhegium ; they made assaults, and though they desisted from the siege, set fire to the timber that had been brought together for ship-building, and they continued to guard the Strait, watching against any attempt by Pyrrhus to CrOSS.
Thoenon controlled the Island, while Sostratus ruled Syracuse. They had ten thousand soldiers, and carried on war with each other. But both, becoming exhausted in the war, sent ambassadors to Pyrrhus.
8. Pyrrhus waged war in Italy for two years and four months. While he was making ready to set sail, the Carthaginians were besieging Syracuse both by land and by sea ; they blockaded the Great Harbour with a hundred ships, and on land they carried on operations close to the walls with fifty thousand men. Thus they held the Syracusans pent up while they overran their territory and laid it waste. Conse- quently the Syracusans, being exhausted by the war, pinned their hopes on Pyrrhus because of his wife Lanassa, the daughter of Agathocles, who had borne Pyrrhus a son, Alexander ; therefore they daily dis-
1 These men were Roman legionaries, For the terms of the treaty with Rome, made in 279 s.c., see Polybius, 3. 25. 2 Ortygia.
€ So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : egoppôvres H. 7 So Dindorf : reči H, metov Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 8 Oldfather suggests orparoreĝevovres. ° So Rhodoman : Mávaocav H.
57
279/8 B.0.
278 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
Kab hpépav dAñous èr’ dààois'rrpéoßeis éoreñàov' npòs aùróv. èußßBdoas Sè ròv Àaòv eis tràs vaĝs kal roùs eàéhavras kal Tìv &ÀÀànv nmapaokevýv, èténàevoev ek rs Tdápavros, kal ekaratos eis 3 Aokpoùs Karĝpev. èvreĝlev ratranàeúsas ròv noplpòv rai iapas Xikeàiav, kathpev cis Thv Tav- pouéviov. èkeîbev npocàaßópevos eis ovppayiav Turõapiwva ròv Svváoryy Tavpopevias, kai Aaßpov map aùTo orpatubTas, katénÀevoev eis Thv Kard- vyv. Kal npooðeyleis úno rôv èyywpiwv ueyádàws? kal ypvooîŭs orepavois orepheis, anepipace tùv nethv õúvajuv. Taúrņs è mopevopévns eis Xvpa- kóoas, kat ó orTóàos ovpnapéràe kekoopnuévos npòs vavpayiav. œs è mÀnoiov èyévovro Lupa- Kkóoņs, oi pèv Kapyņnôóviot mpoareoraàkóres tpidrovra vaðs ĝıd tiwas ypelas åvaykaías, Taîs Kkaraàeàceiuuévais oùk èéróàunoav nmodeuhoar. 4 ŝiómep Ilúppos drwðüvws ðéràevoev eis Zvpa- kóoas, kat mapéiaßet tův Nĝĵoov mapà Ooi- ` x 7 ` F- AR `
vwvos, Thv Õè dAÀnv möv mapa Lupakociwy* Kal Ewoorpdrov. oros è ékupievoev Arpáyavrtos kal moààðv dAwv rõàcwv, éywv ortpatuotas Ùnèp roùs pvupiovs. kal ròv pèv Oolvwva kal Bwoi- artparov kal roùs Lupakociovs kaTàñaġe Kal eis óuóvorav ġyayev, ws peydàns Tevéóuevos? amo- 5 Soyñs Šid Tùv eiphvyv. ó ðè Paoıdeùs mapañaßfwv Tá te PÉÀn kal tràs unyavàs kal tàs êv T móde rapackevas' ai è vas ås mapéaßev êv raîs Evpakóoais karáģpakrtot ékatòv eikoot kai hpa-
1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : oréMew H. 2 karanàceŭoas . . . Xıxeàlar] None of the many emenda- tions proposed is completely convincing. The translation is
58
BOOK XXII. 8. 2-5
patched envoys to him, one group after the other. He embarked his men, his elephants, and his other equipment of war aboard his ships, set sail from Tarentum, and put in at Locri on the tenth day. From there he sailed to the Narrows, and crossing to Sicily, put in at Tauromenium. Thence after adding Tyndarion, the dynast of Tauromenia, to his alliance and after obtaining soldiers from him, he sailed to Catana. There, having been welcomed by the in- habitants with great state and crowned with golden crowns, he disembarked his infantry. As they made their way to Syracuse, the fleet accompanied them in battle array. When they approached Syracuse, the Carthaginians, who had sent away thirty ships on some necessary missions, did not venture to do battle with the ships that remained. Thus Pyrrhus sailed unchallenged into Syracuse, and accepted delivery of the Island from Thoenon, and of the rest of the city from the citizens and Sosistratus. This Sosistratus had made himself master of Acragas and of many other cities, and had an army of more than ten thousand men. Pyrrhus effected a reconciliation between Thoenon and Sosistratus and the Syracusans and restorėd harmony, thinking to gain great popu- larity by virtue of the peace. The king took over the missiles, engines of war, and such equipment as was in the city ; the ships that he took over in Syracuse were: one hundred and twenty decked vessels,
based on Post's mpòs ròv mopfuov and Rhodoman’s (or Hoeschel’s) es Dixeàiav.
3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : peydàoss H. Possibly, however, a word is lost.
4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : rapaàaßĝòrv H.
5 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Evparociois H.
€ tevćópevos added by Wifstrand,
59
DIODORUS OF SICILY
KTOL eikoov ġ pèv Baoi) evvýpns' ó è oúuras aródos oùv taîs uer aùroô kopuobeicais mÀelovs Siaxooiwv. èv roúrw è övros ağroô, kov mpéc- Beis êk Aeovrivæwv arò! ‘Hpakràelov roô Svváo- Tov Àéyovros? mapaðooew T® Baoihe? Thv mów kal Tà bpoŭpia kai orparuóras meķoùs rerpakioyiÀlovs, inneis Sè mevrarogiovs. Ñrov è ral repot mÀeî- aToL eis Eupárocav, Àéyovres tràs nódes rapa- Swoev kal ovvepyjoew TA Iúppw. ó è mdávras piàavhpóonws droðetduevos åréàvoev eis tràs llas marpiðas, dÀribwv kal Ains rvyeiv. 6 "Ori ó uiv ò Kopwbiakòs Aéyaror? raderar. 9. “Ori Bpévvos ò Paoieùs l'adar®v perà nevre- kaleka pupidðwr" Bupeopópwv kal inméwv uvpiwv kal érépov dyopaíov õyxàov rai európwv màelorwv kal áuatõv ioyiàiwv eis Makeðoviav elav rée- pov èroinoev, èv © noňoùs otTpatióras ånoßaàov, os u) ioyúsas .. # úorepov eis rýv ‘EdMdôa Ebo ral eis rò év Aeàgoîs pavreîov, Oéiwr àro- ovàñoat aùrTó. kal moàÀoð moÀéuov yeyovóros, pvupidðas èkeîoe orpariwrõv amoßaààdv ènànyn kat aùròs Bpévvos rpiot mÀnyaîs. Bapvvóuevos Šè kal mpòs Îdvarov, ovvayayàv ròv Ààaòv aùroô, Sreàdàyoe roîs Taàdrais, ovufovàceúoas aùroîs
[X]
1 So Dindorf: óró H.
3 So Herwerden : Aeyaîos H.
4 So Hoeschel, Rhħhodoman : pvpidĝas H.
5 Lacuna indicated by Herwerden, who proposes xa e) Kkatıgyúgas (roùs vavriovs . . . èv . . .) Ŭorepov & eis... ġàĝe; Rhodoman suggests dréßadev, Čore uù ioyúoat ÜarTepov. , ê Post points out that a number is nerded. Perhaps read exe? e or eke g’.
60
2 àéyovres Vulgate.
BOOK XXII. 8. 5—9. 2
twenty without decks, and the royal “ niner ” 1: the total, including the ships he had brought with him, now amounted to a fleet of more than two hundred. While he was busy with these matters envoys arrived from Leontini, sent by Heracleides the ruler, who said that he would hand over to the king the city and its forts, together with four thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry. Many other embassies also came to Syracuse, offering to hand over their cities and saying that they would co-operate with Pyrrhus. He received them all courteously, and then sent them back to their several countries, hoping now to win even Libya. The harbour of Corinth is called Lechaeum.
9. Brennus, the king of the Gauls, accompanied by 279 s.o.
one hundred and fifty thousand infantry, armed with long shields, and ten thousand cavalry, together with a horde of camp followers, large numbers of traders, and two thousand waggons, invaded Macedonia and engaged in battle. Having in this confliċt lost many men ... as lacking sufficient strength . . . when later he advanced into Greece and to the oracle at Delphi, which he wished to plunder.? In the mighty battle fought there he lost tens of thousands ? of his comrades-in-arms, and Brennus himself was three times wounded. Weighed down and near to death, he assembled his host there and spoke to the Gauls.
1 The ennērēs, or ship of the nine-class. Presumably this means nine men to an oar, not nine banks of oars.
2 The text is uncertain. Rhodoman’s text gives: “ he lost many men, so that he lacked sufficient strength when, ete.” ; Herwerden’s: “ having lost many men and having failed to prevail over the enemy he... but later he advanced, ete.”
3 The exact number was perhaps 50,000 or 60,000; see critical note.
61
DIODORUS OF SICILY
éavròv Kal roùs tpavparias dravras ànmorreîvat kal tràs dudas kaúoavras! eùtæovovs eis Tà oikeîa ênaveàbeîv: Baociàéa è karaoroar Kiyøpov. Bpévvos è drparov moàùv eupopmoduevos éavròv
3 dréoßače. Kiyæpios è roôrov Odas, Toùs Tpav- partias kal Toùs darò yeuðvos kal meins rada- mwpýoavras dveîàev, övraş mepi Šıouvpiovs: kal oŬtrws roîs Àoiroîs õià ris aùrñs dðoð mpòs olkov Tùv mopeíav emowîro. kard è Tàs õvoywpías ot "Enves êmrbépevori tas oùpaylas? dnékonrov kal TV drockevùv pav åmagav: mopevóuevot è mpòs Oepporúdas, kal oravıoúons aùroô rpodñs, àré- Arov čAdovs Siouupiovs. Sià è rv Aapõdvwr’ drepxópevor dravres Šiephdpnoav, kal oùðels öre- Acipôy areàbeiv ofkov.
(Exc. Hoesch. pp. 495-497 W.)
£4 "Or Bpéwvos ó rôv Tadarôv Paoiieùs els
vaòv bov apyvpoðv uèv Ñ xpvooðv oùðèv epev
daváðņua, dyáňuara è uóvov Àfıva ral Eúva
katadaßov kareyéasev ri Qeoùs davðpwrouóppovs
eiva Soxoûvres lorasav aùroùs čvàlvovs re kal Abivovs.
5 "Ori oi èv Aeàgoîs òvres karà mhv rôv Tadarôv čpoðov Bewpofvres mÀnoiov vra ròv rivõvvov èrņ- pornoav Tòv Îeðv el Tà xpýpata kal Tà tékva kal Tàs yvvaîkas drokouiowow èk TOÔ uavreilov mpòs Tàs ôyvpwTáras ræv màņoiov nóàewv. ý Sè Ivbia Toîs Aeàpoîs anókpiow čwrev mpoorárrev ròv Qeòv éâv rà åvafńýuara xal răàa rà mpòs ròv kóopov rôv leðv dvýkovra karà yøpav èv r®
62
BOOK XXII. 9. 2-5
He advised them to kill him and all the wounded, to burn their waggons, and to return home unburdened ; he advised them also to make Cichorijus * king. Then, after drinking deeply of undiluted wine, Brennus slew himself. After Cichorius had given him burial, he killed the wounded and those who were victims of cold and starvation, some twenty thousand in all; and so he began the journey homeward with the rest by the same route. In difficult terrain the Greeks would attack and cut off those in the rear, and carried off all their baggage. On the way to Ther- mopylae, food being scarce there, they abandoned twenty thousand more men. All the rest perished as they were going through the country of the Dardani, and not a single man was left to return home.
Brennus, the king of the Gauls, on entering a temple found no dedications of gold or silver, and when he came only upon images of stone and wood he laughed at them,? to think that men, believing that gods have human form, should set up their images in wood and stone.
At the time of the Gallic invasion the inhabitants of Delphi, seeing that danger was at hand, asked the god if they should remove the treasures, the children, and the women from the shrine to the most strongly fortified of the neighbouring cities. The Pythia replied to the Delphians that the god commanded them to leave in place in the shrine the dedications and whatever else pertained to the adornment of the
1 Or Acichorius, as in Pausanias, 10. 22-23. 2? ie. at the Greeks.
1 So Wesseling : xaúoavres H. 2 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : dpyias H. 3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : roô Aapôdvov H.
63
S
DIODORUS OF SICILY
pavrelw: pvàdčew yàp dmavra ròv beòv kal per aùroô ràs euvras kópas. övrwv ðè èv rÔ Tepéve õveîv veðr mavredâs dpyalwv `Aðyvâs Ipovaias? kal `Apréuðos, raúras tàs Îeods óréaßov elvat Tàs à TOÔ ypnopoð mpocayopevouévas Àevkås kóôpas. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 347.)
10. ʻO Húóppos rå karà Evpakóocas ral Aecov- Tivovs kataotnoduevos perà Švuvápews emè tùv Axkpåyavra mpoĵAbev. övros è avroð repi TÀv dõorropiav, kov '`Evvañoð Àéyovres rùv $povpàv Tv Kapynõoviwv érßeßànrévar, Ñv elyov črws uh wrias ðvvacredon aùrôv, Aéyovres riv mów
TA b3 mapaðwcev kat ovuudyovs yevéoðair. aùroð Sè
3 $ dvaàaßóvros Tův otpatıdv .. . els `Arpáyavra.
mapayevóuevos ùv pèv móùv čaße mapa Xwo- aTpáTov kal roùs oTpatiwras, megoùs èv kra- kioyiÀiovs, immeîs è krrakoclovs, nmávras Šè emÀékTovs, oùðèv dmodermouévovs* TÔv Hrerpw- rõv mapéaße è kail tpárovra nóňes ðv Îpye Zwoiotpatos. perà Sè rara åmoorelàas és Xv- pakósas ńyayev öpyava moMopryricà ral Beàðv mÀhlos. éorparevoev emi tyy? tÔv Kapynsoviwv emixpdrerav, čywv mečoùs rpiopvupiovs, inmeîs Sè XiAlovs mevrakosiovs kal éàépavras. kal mpornv mów ‘Hpdràcerav ónnydyero’ ppovpovuévyv úrò Kapynõoviwv: perà Sè rara `Atõvas mapéňaßev. eira Bevoúvriot TÔ Paoi npoceyopnoav, era 1 peðv] ðv Madvig, but cp. Justin, 24. 8. 5. 2 So Cobet, Herwerden : mpovdov V,
3 So Beloch: è vavai H. 4 So Dindorf: åmomopévovs H. 6 So Dindorf: rs H.
64
BOOK XXII. 9. 5—10. 2
gods ; for the god, and with him the White Maidens, would protect all. As there were in the sacred pre- cinct two temples of extreme antiquity, one of Athena Pronaia and one of Artemis, they assumed that these goddesses were the “ White Maidens ” named in the oracle.!
10. Pyrrhus, after settling matters in Syracuse and Leontini, set out with an army for Acragas. While he was on the way, men of Enna ? arrived, saying that they had expelled the Carthaginian garrison, which they had kept to prevent Phintias from be- coming their ruler, and promising to hand over their city to Pyrrhus and become his allies. Pyrrhus, taking his army with him . . . he arrived at Acragas and took over from Sosistratus the city and the sol- diers, eight thousand infantry and eight hundred horsemen, all picked men; no whit inferior to the men of Epirus. He also took over thirty cities that Sosistratus ruled. He then sent to Syracuse and brought siege engines and a great quantity of mis- siles. He marched against the territory subject to the Carthaginians with an army of thirty thousand infantry, fifteen hundred cavalry è and his elephants. He subdued frst the city of Heracleia, which had a Carthaginian garrison. He then seized Azones. The people of Selinus then came over to the king, and
1 The *“ White Maidens ” appeared as a blinding snow- storm, during which the Greeks successfully attacked the Gauls.
2 The unemended text has “ men arrived in ships.”
3 Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 22, gives the number as 2500.
€ Rhodoman notes the omission of a number after kal. Capps would add roòs. 7 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : ġydyero H, apoonydéyero Din dorf. 65
278-276 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
“Aàkvaîot Kal Aiyeorator kal Ààa mÀcîorat 3 módes. ’Epvrivns òè êxovons ppovpàv ågióňoyov Kapynõoviwv kal púow èxovons òxvpàv kal ðvo- TOÀALOpKNTOV, ëkpwev ô Hóppos Biq TAUTNV egedeîv ôa Tooprias. Sio kal roîs Teiyeot mpocayayàv pnxavás, ka moopkias LeEyaàns yevouévys Kat ioxupâs emt moù xpóvov, Bovàðpevos hiodothoa ó Paoiàeùs kal mpos* Tv “H paràéovs Tdgtv åpuà- Awpevos, TpõToS Toîs Teiyeow enéßaàe kat paxny Hpv gvornodpevos Toùs êmppáčavras Kapyy- ĉoviovs anékTewe’ ovvemiaßopévwv è kal TÔv dààwv iàwv, kaTà kpáTos ee TÀ mów. 4 ppovpàv òè karaorjoas ev aùr, ånmhpe? mpòs TÀ Jairivwv* móàwv, OXUPŐTNTE Srahépovoav kal kaTà roô Iavóppov kañðs rerévyv. rÕv ðè ’larrivwv ékovoiws mpooywpnodvrwv, eùbùs kev èm rôv IHavoppirõðv réw, ëxovoav Àuéva káňorov rõv kaŭtà 2ikeàiav a oô kal rhv wów ovuféßnke Terevyéva Tars TS mpocņyopias. efe è kal Tarv katà kparos' kal rÔv ‘Epkrôv karaoyòv Tò òyúpwua, máons Ts Kapxnðóvos èrmekpárnoe Öuvduews kal kúpios éyévero mÀņv toô Aivpai- ov: aŭry yàp ġ móùs nò Kapynõoviwv èkrioðn Lera tv dàwow tis Kapynõoviwv Moróns ro
1 ; So Rhodoman : ’Aàmvaior H. 2 zpòs added by Dindorf, who, however, reads ŝóĉav for rdw (cp. Book 11. 84. 2). 3 So Wesseling: èrņpe H. 4 So Dindorf: Aiyirav H, 'Ierwôv Rhodoman. H has rôv sè Teriwõv just below. 6 So Rhodoman : rv karà Xixeùðv H.
1 Plutarch (loc. cit.) states that Pyrrhus invoked the aid of 66
BOOK XXII. 10. 2-4
then the people of Halicyae, of Segesta, and of many other cities. Although Eryx had a considerable garrison of Carthaginians and is by nature strong and not easily stormed, yet Pyrrhus determined to take it forcibly by siege. Hence he brought up his engines against the walls, and a mighty and violent siege took place and continued for a long time, until the king, desiring to win high renown and vying to rank with Heracles,! personally led an assault on the walls ; putting up an heroic fight, he slew the Carthaginians who stormed against him, and when the king’s “ Friends ” 2? also joined in the struggle, he took the city by storm. After stationing a garrison there, he set out for the city of Iaetia, a place of exceptional strength, favourably situated for an attack on? Panormus. The people of Iaetia yielded of their own accord, whereupon he advanced at once to the city of Panormus, which has the finest harbour in all Sicily, whence, in fact, the city received this, its name. This place also he took by storm, and when he gained control of the fortress of Herctae, he had now overcome the whole empire of Carthage and become its master, except for Lilybaeum. This city had been founded by the Carthaginians after their city of Motya had been captured by the tyrant
Heracles and vowed to institute games and a sacrifice in his honour.
2 Cp. oi ġiàot or oi ġiàort roô Baciàéws in Ptolemaic docu- ments.
3 Or perhaps “ favourably situated near.”
4 The word is a compound of “ all ” and “ harbour,” and appears as an adjective in Homer with the sense “ always fit for mooring in.” Despite the Greck name, the city was Phoenician and remained in Carthaginian hands, except for the interlude under Pyrrhus, until captured by Rome in 254 s.c. Itis the modern Palermo.
67
DIODORUS OF SICILY
Aiovvoiov Tof Tupdavvov. TOÙS yàp èk TavTNs úno- Aceiphévras abpoicavres katka eis Tò Aó- 5 Burov. roô dè Ióppov mepi TYV Todtopriav Tavrns mapaokevagouévov, Sreßißacav èk Ts ABúns ot Kapynôóvior Súvapuv déóàoyov eis rò AAúßBaov: moiòv òè aîrov ekóuoav fañagaokpartoĝvres, HN- xavàs ðè kal BEN TAÑos d ATmOTOV. oons, sè ris TÓÀEWS TÒ mÀeîoTov pépos èv badoo, TAS dTò Tis yÎS, mpocóðovs èreiyioav Kal Túpyovs TUKVOÙS enoinoav, kat ráhpov ôpúćavres uéyav, Šrerpeoßev- oavro mpòs rtòv Bacıiàéa rep Siadóocws ral eiphvns . . # ovvðéoðar kal ypnuárwv màÑbos 6 ðova. To Baoıàéws yphuara Àaßečv uù mpoo- Seyouévov, merobévros Sè rò? AAúßuov ovyyw- poar roîs Kapynõðoviois, of peréyovres Toô ovveðpiov ġíàot kal oi ànò tv nmóňewv dro- kadoðvres ékéàevor pnõevi TpóTø ovyxwpeîv Toîs Bappdpors êmBábpav ë ëe katà îs Likeàias, aN eé áráans aùris egedor Toùs Doivxas kal Sropioar T meàdyer rhv èmapyiav. eùbvs ò Bacideùs nÀnciov Tv Teyôv karaorparoneðevoas, TÒ uev mpõrTov ovveyeîs roîs reiyeoi emoreîro mpooßoñàs ek ĝaðoyfs’ huúvavro ðe ol Kapynõðvior Õıà rò nàñbos rõv aywvouévwv kat rò péyebos rtis 7 TApaoKEvĝÂsS. TogoĝTov yàp mAÑOos katameàrÕv ofvpeðv TE kal merpopóňwv Ñöpororo Tapa Kapyn- Soviwv Wore TÒ Telxos uÀ xwpeiv Tò mANbos? Tis mapaokevis. Siò kal BeAðv mavroðarðv åhieué-
1 unyavôv . . . Beàðv suggested by Wesseling, rò màñðos ämarta by Kallenberg.
2 Hoeschel, Rhodoman add ropot.
3 So Wesseling : rov H.
68
BOOK XXII. 10. 4-7
Dionysius, for they had gathered together all the survivors of Motya and settled them in Lilybaeum. While Pyrrhus was making ready to lay siege to this city, the Carthaginians brought over from Libya to Lilybaeum a considerable army, and having control of the seas, they transported a large amount of grain, and engines of war and missiles in incredible quanti- ties. Since most of the city is surrounded by the sea,? they walled off the land approaches, constructed towers at short intervals, and dug a great ditch. They then sent an embassy to the king to discuss a truce and peace, for they were ready to come to terms and even to pay a large sum of money. Though the king refused to accept money he was prevailed upon to concede Lilybaeum to the Carthaginians ; but the king’s “ Friends ” who were taking part in the meet- ing and the delegates from the cities called him aside and urged him under no circumstances to grant the barbarians a stepping-stone for an attack on Sicily, but rather to drive the Phoenicians out of the entire island and to make the sea the boundary of his domain. The king immediately encamped near the walls, and at first made constant attacks with relays of troops against them. But the Carthaginians were able to defend themselves because of the num- ber of their fighters and the abundance of their equipment. For the Carthaginians had collected so great a number of catapults, both dart-shooters and stone- throwers, that there was not room on the walls for all the equipment. And so, as missiles of all sorts
ł In 3897.8.c. For the story see Book 14. 47 f. 2 It is situated on a promontory.
4 èkéàcvov added by Capps. Teîyos . . . nàĝlos] So Reiske: mÀñÂos . . . rexos H.
VOL, XI D 69
DIODORUS OF SICILY
væv ènmi roùs moMopkovras, ToM? minróvrwv, moðv è Tpavpatıitouévwv, nàarroôro Iúppos. eneBdàero kpeirrovas? unyavàs* ó Baoideùs kara- axeváčew TÕv k Evupakovons éveyheroðr" aù- TÖ, kal &à Tî peraààcias émeßdàero Tà Teixn oañeĝoou. rv è Kapynðoviwv åvriuayopévwv òà Tò nmerphðn elvat rov tónov, úo uijvas mo- Aoprkýoas kal anroyvoùs Tù)v èk tris Bias dàwow, éàvoe tùy moMopkiav. kpivas ov ortóàov péyav karackevátetv, Kal ða ToúrTov? Îañagoorparý- cas Svvápers npòs Apúnv SafpBábew, érpenre thv ppv, (Exe. Hoesch. pp. 497-499 W.)
"Ori Iúppos 7porepńoas mepBonTw vin roùs rv ladarðv Îupeovs åvéðnrev eis TÒ iepòv Tis Irwviðos” ’Abnvâs kai rÕv dààwv adúpwv rà moàureàéorata, T)v ênmeypaġiv Tývðe morodpevos,
Toùs Bupeoùs ó ò Modorròs 'Trwvð Spor Abnvå Hýppos darò Îpacéwv èrpépacev lañarâõv mavra Tov Avriyóvov kaleàwv orparóv. où uéya
bapa:
, ` g a y z , 7 aiyparai kat võv kal mapos Aiariðar.
2 Evveðóres ov éavroîs Noeßnkóoi trara npoceðókwv eikórws Teúčeoðat rs apupotoúons Tois dvopýpaoi Teuwpias. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 347.)
1 So Wesseling : dybouéwv H.
2 Hoeschel, Rhodoman suggest kal modÀðv uèv.
3 So Post: «al aùròs I.
4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : pnyavaîis H.
6 So Post: &axbesôv H, ávaybero®v Dindorf.
€ So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : roôro H.
7 So Mai (cp. Plut. Pyrrhk. 26 ; Paus. 1.13.2; Anth. Pal. 6. 130): Tperæviðos (Fpirwvið: below) V.
8 So Mai (cp. Plut. Paus. Anth. Pal.): or ð V. 7O
BOOK XXII. 10. 7—11. 2
were hurled against the attackers, and as many of his men fell, and many others received wounds, Pyrrhus was at a disadvantage. The king undertook to construct engines of war more powerful than those he had transported from Syracuse, and to unsettle the walls by mining operations. But the Cartha- ginians kept up their resistance, since the ground was rocky, and after a siege of two months Pyrrhus despaired of capturing the city by force, and lifted the siege. Deciding to construct a large fleet and, when by this means he should have won mastery of the seas, to transport his forces to Libya, he now bent his efforts towards this.
11. Pyrrhus, having won a famous victory, dedi- cated the long shields of the Gauls and the most valuable of the other spoils in the shrine of Athena Itonis with the following inscription :
These shields, taken from the brave Gauls, the Molossian Pyrrhus hung here as a gift to Athena Itonis, after he had destròyed the entire host of Antigonus. Small wonder: the sons of Aeacus are warriors now even as aforetime.?
Being therefore conscious that they ? had com- mitted acts of impiety so great, they expected, with good. reason, to suffer punishment befitting their crimes.
1 In the Palatine Anthology (6. 130) the epigram is ascribed to Leonidas of Tarentum. The sanctuary of Athena Itonis lay between Pherae and Larissa. The Gauls were mercenaries employed by Antigonus Gonatas, but the site of the victory is not recorded.
2 The Gallic mercenaries of Pyrrhus : fragment,
see the following
°? So Mai: alyparte pe V, aixuĵrar kal Plut, Paus, Anth. Pal. 71
274 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
12 “Ori ràs Aiyéas Saprácas ó Hvppos, ýris Ñv éoria ts Makeôðovikis Pacideias, roòs Taàdras ékeîoe katéÀmev. ol è mulöpevol TWWV ÕTL katTà Toùs Paciùıkoùs rádovs roîs rereàevrnkóot ovy- karwpúxůņ xpýpara moàÀàà kard Twa maàarav ovvýleav, dmavras dvéokaav kal Tvußwpvyý- oavres Tà èv ypýpara Šeidavrto, Tà Šè dor tÔv Tereàcutrykórwv Séppulav. ó è Ivúppos èri rov- Tois Pàaopnpoúuevos oùk èkódaģe rovs Bapßápovs ôa ràs êv roîs moàéuois ypeias. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 258.) 13. Tõv è ryv Meoońvyv oikovvrwv Mapep- Tivwv qènuévwv .. . moàÀàà pèv $poúpia ... aùrol è eÜbwvov moroavres Thv Šúvapuv kov èv rayer Bonlýoovres! ri Meoonvig moeuovuévn. ó òè ‘Iepwv drmadàayeis ék ris moàeulas? Múdas kata páros éÀàùv èkvpievoe oTpatiwtTÕv yıÀlwy mevrakosiwv. eùlùs Õè kal Traa ywpia yepov- pevos, karývrņoev émi rò `Auńoeàov, kKeiuevov ueraġù Kevroprivwv kal 'Ayvpiov.? èyupoð õè ÖVTOS KAL TOÀÀOÙS OTPATLOTAS EYOVTOS, ÈKTOALOp- kýoas TÒ ywpiov Torto uèv karéokafe, troùs è $povpoðvras aroàúoas rv èykàņudrwv ëraġev els Tas iðias tdéeis. ris è xøpas tùv pèv roîs Kevropirivois, rhv òè roîs 'Ayvpiwaiors? ewp- garo. pera è rara ‘Iépwv čëywv Súvajuv déd- Àoyov éorpdrevoev èri Mapeprivovs, kat tv pèv “Aàuoar* mapaðóoe nmpoonydyero, ónrò Sè TtÔv 1 So Dindorf: Boņnfýoavres H. 2 Wurm suggests moopkias (cp. chap. 10. 7). 3 So Dindorf: *Ayvpalov i, ’Ayvpwaiwyv Wesseling. t So Wesseling : °Ayvpalois H. 5 So Dindorf: "Aàecay H. 72
BOOK XXII. 12. 1—13. 2
12. After Pyrrhus had sacked Aegeae,! the seat of the Macedonian royal family, he left his Gauls there. They, learning from certain informants that in accor- dance with a certain ancient custom much wealth was buried with the dead at royal funerals, dug up and broke into all the graves, divided up the treasure, and scattered the bones of the dead. Pyrrhus was much reviled because of this, but did not punish the barbarians since he needed them for his wars.
13. Since the Mamertines who inhabited Messana had increased in power .. . many forts .. . and they themselves, having put their army in light array, came in haste to the aid of the territory of Messana which was under attack.? But Hiero, after quitting enemy territory, took Mylae by storm and acquired fifteen hundred soldiers. Straightway moving to reduce the other strongholds also, he came to Ameselum, situated between Centuripa and Agy- rium. Though Ameselum was well fortified and strongly manned, he captured and razed this fortress to the ground, but dismissed all charges against the men of the garrison, whom he enrolled in his own ranks. Part of the land he gave tó the people of Centuripa, part to the people of Agyrium. After this, Hiero with a considerable army waged war against the Mamertines. Halaesa he brought over by surrender, and having been eagerly welcomed by
1 More commonly called Aegae. Previously known as Edessa, it had been an early capital of Macedonia and was still a religious centre, though politically overshadowed by Pella from 400 B.c. on.
2 Fhis may refer to the defeat of Hiero’s forces by the Mamertines at the river Cyamosorus near Centuripa (Poly- bius, 1. 9. 3-4). ž
€ So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : mapaðws H.
73
DIODORUS OF SICILY
’ABaxawivav kal Tuvõapırõv mpobúpws mpooõeyx- Oeis ékupievoe TÕv nóňewv roútwv, kal eis oTeviv xöpav ovvýace roùs Mapeprivovs. ånò uèv yàp To Wukeùkob meàdyovs Tiv èyyòs Meoońvns efye! mów Tùy rv Tavpopevirôv, arè è roô Tuppn- vkot’ riv Tuvõapıirðv. épßaddv õè eis Meconvnv kaTteorparonéðevoe mapà Tòv Aoiravov? morapóv, metoùs ëywv puplovs, immeîs Sè yıÀlovs mevra- kogiovs: dvreorpárevoav è kal Mapeprivoi Ëyovres megoùs ókTakioyıiious, immeîs ÔÈ p” orparnyòv ĝè 3 elyov Kíwv. oros è pdvreis dbpoicas lepo- akórovs, Îúsas* èmņpórnoe mepi Tis LaxNS” TÂv õè dropnvayévwv ôr Šid TÕv iepõv oi eol onua- vovor vuktepevoew èv Ti mapeppoii Tv noňeuiwv, mepixaphs Ñv, Ós kupievowv ris To Baoiiéws arparoneðeias,. eùlùs erráas rův Šúvauv ère- 4 pâro Siaßaiveiv ròv morapóv. “Iépwv & čywv roòs
pvydðas Mecońvņns iakocsious ovorpareúovras,
õıa$ópovs raîs àvðpeíais kal åperañs, mpooðels aùrtoîs dÀÀovs rTeTparocious emÀékTovs mpooérače ròv mÀņoiov Àóßov ròv ðvopačóuevov Qðpaka mepieàbeîv kal roîŭs moàeuiois kaTà võTov mpoo- mecetv' aùròs è Thv Õúvajuv ékrdéas, katTà ortópa åmývra. yevopévns Šè mepi rò petbpov inmopaylas, dua kal rôv megv èk mpooráčews* To Bacıàédws mpokaterànpórwv óġpõv Twa mepì ròv TotTauòv kal TV eùòkaupiav toô tónov mÀeovektrovvrwv,? pÉXpt
1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Me v elyor H. 3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : ON H. ? Casaubon suggests Aoyyavòv (cp. Polybius, 1. 9. 7). 4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Boat H.
T4
BOOK XXII. 13. 2-4
the inhabitants of Abacaenum and Tyndaris, he became master of these cities and drove the Mamer- tines into a narrow area. For on the Sicilian sea he held the city of Tauromenium, near Messana, and on the Tyrrhenian sea he held Tyndaris. He invaded the territory of Messana, and encamped along the Loitanus * River with ten thousand foot-soldiers and fifteen hundred cavalry. The Mamertines faced him with eight thousand foot-soldiers and forty (?) cavalry ; their general was Ciôs. Now Ciôs assembled diviners to inspect the entrails, and after sacrificing, he questioned them about the battle. When they replied that the gods revealed through the victims that he would pass the night in the encampment of the enemy, he was overjoyed, thinking that he was to gain possession of the king’s camp. Immediately he deployed his forces and attempted to cross the river. But Hiero, who had in his army two hundred exiles from Messana, men noted for their courage and deeds of valour, added to them four hundred more picked soldiers, and ordered them to go around the nearby hill, named Thorax, and to fall upon the enemy from the rear. He himself deployed his forces and encountered the enemy in front. There was a cavalry engagement near the stream, and at the same time the infantry, who at the order of the king had occupied a certain mound near the river, gained the advantage of favourable terrain; yet for a while the
1 Probably, though not certainly, the same as the Longa- nus of Polybius, 1. 9.7-8. The chronology of Hiero’s career is very uncertain, and the battle of Longanus has been variously dated in 269 and in 264 s.c.
- 5 èx npooráģews Reiske: maparáġews H. € So Wesseling : mÀeovexroûvros H.
75
269 B.o. (?)
DIODORUS OF SICILY
La a 2 E e y. 2? A 4 b3 e év Twos igópporos v ó kivõvuvos: rel è kal ot Tòr! Àdġov mepireàbóvres? éréppaćav mapaðóćws roîs Mapeprivors kal veadeîs òvres Toùs rduvovras TÅ
#* e r 2 páx pgðiws åvýpovv, róőtTe Š) mavrayóbev ruvkÀw-
La A k “~ Bévres mpòs pvyùv ©ppnoav. èmkeuévwv tv
r 2 KA 2 e ki
5 Lupakosiwv ðuváuet, mdvras katékoav. ó ğè orpatrņyòs rTÕv Maueprivwv åywvópevos êrbýópws? kal mepmeowv moňÀoîs tpaúpaci kal \rofvyýoas ? KO h A ebwyphðn.* oĉros dvekouíoðy čunmvovs els Tùv toô Baciàéws mapeppoàùv rait mapeðóbn larpoîs es Îepareiav. ka? katrà Tùv pavreiav kal tTùv tTÔv iepookórwv mpõppnow? vukTtTepeðoavros aùroî eis
$ A ? [g £ A Ea A Tv rôv èvavriwv napeufpoińv, toô Baciàéws Sè BéÀovros mepi modod bepaneðoar ròv Kiwv, ĝkóv Tiwes Ümnmovs hépovres ék ToÔ moàépov eis rtòv
t €. 2 bi ? J A “m IQ? E a
6 Bacia. ó Kíws è emiyvoùs ròv Tob ðiov viot innov ónédaßev dvnpĝobar ròv veavíorov. mepiaà-
2 A e A; ~ ys è yevőuevos tràs pas tv Tpavuárwv Sréppnée, Tv dmóàeav Toô rékvov Îavdrov’ Tiun- oápevos. oi òè Mapeprivoi, dnayyeàias yevopévns ~ A e ~ ótt ùv TÔ orparny® Kiw rai oi orrot otpatriðratı mdavres AToàwÀactv, ëkpivav peb’ ikernpias åravrâv TÔ Pacıiàe?. où piv ģ rúxy elaoe mavreðs neceîv ` ` , s , , `
Trà karà Mapeprivovs mpaypara. ’Avvißas yàp ó rôv Kapynõoviwv orparņyòs čtrvyev ópuðv èv
"~ J A 8 kd z A kY 2 +
tT Airdpas výjow.? dkoúsas è Tò mapdðotov re 1 énel ôè xal ot ròv Wesseling : éri ĝè ròv H. 3 So Reiske : seàlóvres H. 3 So Reiske : ékovoíws H. 4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman: swyphhy H.
76
BOOK XXII. 13. 4-7
battle was evenly balanced. But when those who had gone around the hill also charged the Mamer- tines unexpectedly and slew them with no difficulty, since they were fresh and the enemy were battle- worn, then the Mamertines, surrounded on all sides, took to flight, and the Syracusans, attacking in force, cut the whole army to pieces. The general of the Mamertines fought desperately, but after he had
. received many wounds and had fallen to the ground
unconscious he was captured alive. He was carried still breathing to the encampment of the king, and was handed over to the physicians for treatment. Now when he thus, in accordance with the prophecy and the prediction of the soothsayers, had spent the night in the eñemy’s camp, and the king, moreover, was solicitous to restore Ciôs to health, certain men arrived bringing horses from the battle to the king, and Ciôs, recognizing his son’s horse, supposed that the youth had been killed. In his excessive grief he burst the stitches of his wounds and by his own death set the price at whićh he rated the destruction of his son. As for the Mamertines, when the news was brought to them that Ciôs their general and all their soldiers as well had perished, they decided to come before the king as suppliants. Fortune did not, how- ever, permit the utter collapse of the Mamertine cause. For Hannibal, the general of the Carthagi- nians, happened to be moored at the island of Lipara. When he heard the unexpected news, he came post-
ë kai added by Walton. The Vulgate joins this clause (to mapeußoàńv) with the preceding sentence. 8 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : mpóopnow H. 7 So Hertlein, Dindorft: bavdrw H. 8 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : výoors H. TT
DIODORUS OF SICILY
` , , ` 7 X ` , karà Tdyos eis rov Paoiàéa, T® pèv Àdyw ovy- , a i xaipwv, T® Sè pyw omevðwv rov ‘Ilépwva kara- ~ > > F orparnyĵoar Še? andrys. ò èv Baoràeùs merobels Pai ?, ` e +$ yY e A 3 7 T Doivki tràs hovyias éoxev. ó è ’`Avvißas Abg 3 M 2, ` À h mapeàbav cis Meocońvyv kal karaàaßàv Mapep- Tivovs péàovras mapacıðóvat TYV TÓW dvéneoe, H ? kal mpoonroimoduevos Pońlerav ciońyayev eis rùv Tov orparuoras p’. oi uèv oĝv Mapeprivot àmo- yvóvres éavrðv ð Tv rrav, mádàw mekate- ? 3 + 8 ordônoav eis doġdàeav ròv eipnpévov tpórmov. ó e A òè “Tépwv karaorparnynleis rò roô Poivikos, Tv moopkiav dnmoyvoùs enmavĵjàĵe eis Bupakóoas, mepiBónrTov eùyuepiav" mepireromuévos. € b3 td yE + > la 9 Oi è Kapynðóvior kal “Iépwv, dronenrtrwróres ris Meoońvns, ovvĵàbov eis oúoyov kaè ovp- , x > , , N payiav mpòs dAAÑÀovs momoduevoi ovvélevro kow noàceujoar Meooivyvy. (Exc. Hoesch. pp. 499-500 W.)
1 So Rhodoman: dņpepiav H,
78
BOOK XXII. 13. 7-9
haste to the king, ostensibly to offer his congratula- tions, but in reality seeking to outmanœuvre Hiero by deceit. The king trusted the Phoenician and re- mained inactive. Hannibal turned aside to Messana, and finding the Mamertines on the point of. handing over the city, he dissuaded them, and on the pretext of lending aid, introduced into the city forty (?) soldiers. Thus the Mamertines, who because of their defeat had despaired of their cause, were restored to security in the manner just described. Hiero, out- witted by the Phoenician, abandoned the siege as hopeless and returned to Syracuse, having achieved a resounding success.!
The Carthaginians and Hiero, after the former 2 c. 264 ».c.
had been driven out of Messana, held a conference, and when they had arranged a treaty of alliance, they agreed on a joint attack on Messana.
1 The phrase probably refers to the story that Hiero, on his return to Syracuse after the victory at Longanus, was proclaimed king (Polybius, 1. 9. 8).
2 This seems to be the meaning (cp. Polybius, 1. 11. 4-7), though the passage is clearly corrupt.
79
FRAGMENTA LIBRI XXIII
1. "Ort Zikeàía nasv rv výowv kador Úndpyxer, ws peydàa Õuvapévy ovufáàdeoba Tpos aŭénow yepovias.
2 "Ori "Avvwv ó °Avvißov eis Zikreàlav èìbàv kal ràs vvdueis åbpoisas eis rò Aidóßarov, mpoñÀbe péxpi Looðvros, kal Tyv mebhv orpariàv ånméàre nànoiov ts móàews mapeupeßànkutav, aùròs è mapeàbdv eis Tùy 'Arpáyavra Tùy ğkpav èreiywoe, neloas tòv Šiuov piìov vra ovupayhoar Kapyn- Soviwv.? naveàlóvros Sè aùroð eis tùv blav orparoneðeiav, kov mapà ‘Iépwvos mpéoßeis mepi To kowi’ ovupépovros. émorjoavro yàp ovp- paxíav ‘Pwpalovs nodeuñoar, edv u) Tùy tayiornv
3r ris Ziceàias anaddrrwvrair. àuporépwv Šè Tàs uváueis åyayóvrwv émi rhv Meoońvyv, ‘Iépwv èv èri roô Àódov To kadovuévov Xaàkıroô kateorpatronéðevoev, ot è Kapxnóvior TÅ neti orparı mapevéßadov cis tràs Kkadovuévas Eùveîs,
TÑ è vavrikf karéoyov Tùv åkpav Tv kañovpévyv Medwpdõa: ovveyðs éroùóprovv rv Meco-
1 Kapyxnõovíors Hoeschel, Rhodoman; Dindorf suggests placing Kapxnõoviwv after òvra.
80
FRAGMENTS OF BOOK XXIII
1. Sicily is the noblest of all islands, since it can contribute greatly to the growth of an empire.
Hanno, the son of Hannibal, went to Sicily, and having gathered his forces at Lilybaeum, advanced to Solus ; his land force he left encamped near the city, while he himself went on to Acragas and fortified its citadel, after having persuaded the citizens, who were already friendly to the Carthaginians, to become their allies. Upon his return to his own encampment, envoys came to him from Hiero to discuss their com- mon interest; for they had formed an alliance to make war on the Romans unless these should quit Sicily with all speed. When both had brought their armies to Messana, Hiero pitched camp on the Chalcidian Mount, while the Carthaginians encamped with their land army at a place called Eunes,? and with their naval force seized the headland called Pelorias ; and they kept Messana under continuous
1 Jt is not clear from the present narrative what Romans were in Sicily at this point. Possibly there is a reference here to the small force under the command of C. Claudius, a military tribune, sent ahead to Messana by the consul (Zonaras, 8. 8).
2 Polybius, 1. 11. 6, calls the place Synes.
2 kowi transposed by Reiske from a position before ovu- paxiav, below. 3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : aro H.
8i
264 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
4 vqv ó ôè ‘Pwpaiwv Suos mvhóuevos? åréoreide Tov ETepov Ünmarov kaňoúpevov *Armov Kìaúsiov petà Svvdpews aôpâs, ôs eùbùs ÅÀbev eis ‘Púyiov. Tpos òè ròv ‘Iépwva kai Kapynõoviovs mpéoßes E$énempe mepi Siaddocws ris noNopkias. mpoo- ennyyédero . . . önpoyopeîv è rpòs “Iépwva Todéug" uÀ èmphoeobar. ó è Tépwv årekpivaro ôiórı Maueprivor Kaydpwav xal T'éàav åvaorárovs nmerornkóres, Meoońvnv è doeßéorara karein- póres, ikaiws moMopkoðvrar, ‘Pwpatot Sé, BpvÀ- Aoĝvres TÒ TS TOTEWS ôvopa, TAVTEÀAĞSŞS OÙk ohelovo: Toùs maipóvovs, udora niorews kara- ppovýoavras, Únepaoritew' e? 8è ûnrèp doeßeord- Tor* TNÀKoĝrov eravaipoðvraı móÀcuov, favepoùs éoeohar nâow avâpúnrois őri Tis blas màcovetlas npóßaow noplčovrat Tòv rv kwĝuvevóvrwv čňcov Tò Õe dànbès Zeredlas èmbuuoðow. '
(Ezec. Hoesch. pp. 500-501 W.)
2. “Ori Poivices ral ‘Pwuaîor vavpayhoavres, uera è rara eùddaßoúuevot Tò uéyebos ToÔ mpo- keuévov moàéuov, Šrenpeopevoavro mpòs tòv Üra-
Tov mepi hiàias. modàðv Sè Adywv pnôévrwv ral Tpayurépois Àóyois ypwuévwv mpòs &AAńÀous, oi Doivixes Pavudtew ëpacav nôs diaßalvew Toàuð- ow eis Xixeàlav ‘Pwuaîor Badarrokparovvrwv Kapxnðoviwv: pavepòv yàp eva now ör uù Tnpoûvres Tùv pidiav oùðè vújaobat tàs yeîpas èr
1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : è moMoprovrrav Meońvyy H. So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : meDéuevos H.
3? So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : róàeuov H. 1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : ‘Pwpualois H.
82
BOOK XXIII. 1. 3—2. 1
siege. When the Roman people learned this, they- sent one of the consuls, Appius Claudius by name, with a strong force, who went straightway to Rhegium. He dispatched envoys to Hiero and the Carthaginians to discuss the raising of the siege. He kept promising in addition . . . but to state publicly that he would not proceed against Hiero with war. Hiero replied that the Mamertines, who had laid waste Camarina and Gela and had seized Messana in so impious a manner, were besieged with just cause, and that the Romans, harping as they did on the word fides, certainly ought not to protect assassins who had shown the greatest contempt for good faith ; but if, on behalf of men so utterly godless, they should enter upon a war of such magnitude, it would be clear to all mankind that they were using pity for the im- perilled as a cloak for their own advantage, and that in reality they coveted Sicily.
2. The Phoenicians and Romans fought a naval battle ; afterwards, in consideration of the magnitude of the war that lay before them, they * sent envoys to the consul to discuss terms of friendship. There was much discussion, and both sides engaged in acri- monious debate: the Phoenicians said that they marvelled how the Romans could venture to cross over into Sicily, inasmuch as the Carthaginians had control of the seas; for it was obvious to all that if they did not maintain friendly relations, the Romans
1 The Carthaginians. Here, as so often, the opening words of the excerpt are a careless paraphrase. The naval battle is perhaps the skirmish in which C. Claudius lost a number of triremes (Dio Cassius, 11. 43. 7, and Zonaras, 8. 8).
č So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : dáoeßeoráryy H.
83
DIODORUS OF SICILY
Tis laàdoons roàuýoovow. oi Sè ‘Pwpatot ovu- Povàevew rois Kapynõoviois čġacav u Sðdorew aùrtoùs tà xarà thv Odňaccav movrpayuoveiv: palnràs yàp roùs ‘Pwualovs del övras yiveocðar kpeitrovs TÕv aokdàwv. rò pèv yàp madaðv aùrðv upes rerpayóvois ypwpévwv, Tuppyvol xaàkaîs doriot padayyopayoðvres kal mporpefd- pavor ròv õuorov dvadaße®v órMopòv ýrrýðņoav. éneira náàw ÄA\wv èbvõv hupeoîs ypwuévwv ots? võv ëyovor kal xarà omeipas? uayouévwv, àupórepa piunoduevoi nepieyévovro TÖV elonynoauévwv rà kaàà rôv mapaðeryudrwv. ‘mapà Sè rôv “EMývov palóvres noñopkeîv kal raîs unyavaîs raraßádàew TA Tein, TAs módes rÔv Õbaédvrwv ġváykacav moiy TÒ npoorarróuevov. kal vôv åv Kapynëóvior Pidowvra? palew aùroùðs vavpayeîv, rayò rToùs palnràs rõv Sðaokdàwv öpovraı mepryevouévovs. (Const. Exc. 4, pp. 347-348.) 2 "Orn ‘Pwpaio mpôrov åoriðas rTerpaydvovs elyov eis ròv möàeuov: Úorepov lóvres Tuppnvoòs xaàkâs doriðas yovras, norýoavres oŬrws èvikn- cav aùrToŬs. 3. “Ori ĉiarepdoavros toô Ûrdárov eis Meoońvnyv, ó ‘TIépwv vopitwv nmpoĝobivai rv SiáBaoiw órò Kapynõoviwv ëpuyev eis Evparkóoas. Kapynõoviwv 1 olors Herwerden.
; a TÀ omeipas Walton : repais V, omeipas Wurm. So Boissevain : .!..wvrar V. Mai read ĉià raôra.
2
1 According to the Ineditum Vaticanum (H. von Arnim, Hermes 27 [1892], 118 ff.) chap. 3, which closely parallels 84
BOOK XXIII. 2. 1—3. 1
would not dare even to wash their hands in the sea. The Romans,! for their part, advised the Cartha- ginians not to teach them to meddle with maritime affairs, since the Romans, so they asserted, were pupils who always outstripped their masters. For example, in ancient times, when they were using rectangular shields,? the Etruscans, who fought with round shields of bronze and in phalanx formation, impelled them to adopt similar arms and were in consequence defeated. Then again, when other peoples * were using shields such as the Romans now use, and were fighting by maniples, they had imitated both and had overcome those who introduced the excellent models. From the Greeks they had learned siegecraft and the use of engines of war for demolish- ing walls, and had then forced the cities of their teachers to do their bidding. So now, should the Carthaginians compel them to learn naval warfare, they would soon see that the pupils had become superior to their teachers.
At first the Romans had rectangular shields for war, but later, when they saw that the Etruscans had bronze shields, they copied them and thus conquered the Etruscans.
3. After the consul had crossed over to Messana, Hiero, thinking that the Carthaginians had treacher- ously permitted the crossing, fled to Syracuse. The.
this passage, the spokesman for the Romans was a certain Kaeso. Cp. also Dio Cassius, 11. 43. 9, and Zonaras, 8, 9.
2 @upeós represents the Latin scutum, and doris the Latin clipeus, but there is no other evidence for the exact nature of this primitive scutum, which is not to be confused with the later scutum referred to in the following sentence.
3 The Samnites, according to the Ineditum Vaticanum and Athenaeus, 6. 273 f.
85
DIODORUS OF SICILY
ôe moeunodvrwv kait hrrybévrwv, tv °Eyéràar Ó Únraros noMópkryoe, kal otpatuóras moàÀoùs aropaàwv eis Meoonvyy dvéķevéev.? 4. "Ore trõv úndrwv dphorépwv eis Pukeàiav Ei ~ éàlóvrwv kal rhv “Aôpavirôv mów moMopryodv- Twv, elov karà kpáros. elra tiv Kevropirivwv moàopkovrwv ral mpòs taîs yaàkaîs rúas? fe} 7, 4 Ka Z ~ ? e kalnpévæv, kov npéoßeis nmpôrov map “Adaı- civwr*: celra Seilas mecovons kal ev traîs &Àdais F: 4 9 w 2 > 2 4 3 7 móàcci, kal aùTol mpéopeis anéoreiav mepi eiphvns $o IÀ 6 ? ò 2 A 2 e la kal ennyyeidavrto? emDwoew tas móàcs ‘Pwpalois’ v nmapañaßóvres Tàs 2 pi Ôvvdueis, cis Xupdakooav ÑÀAbov moopkýoovres”
s y EZ e Pi noav De éEńkovra ENTA.
“I + e A ò 4 4 5 7 > m épwva. ópðv ðè roùs Lvpakociovs dyavarroĝv- t 3 Tas, npégßeis dméoreie mpòs tToùs Úrdrovs mepi Fa e Sradúoews. oi ðè omeúðovres mpos póvovs Kapyn- 7 Eas > Õoviíovs darodeueiv dopévws úrýkovoav, kal ovv- , 3 7 38 y 7 r élevro ecipivyv em® ërņn nevrekalðeka, AaBóvres payuðv e’ pvupidðas, kat TOÙÒS aiypaÀWTOoVS aTo- ld td Òóvrie kKupieveiv ovveyæpnoar? Evupakociwv? ral m~ 2 Eal Tô Úr aùròv™ móàewv, Akpôv, Acovrivæwv, Meya- + i lA péwv, AiNopwv, Neairrivwv, Tavpopeviwv. Toútæv la Eas nparropévwv karéràevoev °Avvibas perà vavrucijs 1? So Holm (cp. Polybius, 1. 15. 10): Aëyecora H. 2 So Dindorf: drétevćev H. 3 So Reiske: aùàaîs H. 4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : kabýpevoi H. 5 So Cluverius (with °A-): mapà Auoivæov H.
6 emņyyeiàavro added by Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 7 So Wesseling : mooprýoavres H.
86
BOOK XXIII. 3. 1—4. 1
Carthaginians, however, engaged in battle but were defeated, and the consul then laid siege to Echetla, but after the loss of many soldiers withdrew to Messana.
4. Both consuls 1 went to Sicily, and laying siege to the city of Hadranum took it by storm. Then, while they were besieging the city of Centuripa and were encamped by the Brazen Gates, envoys arrived, first from the people of Halaesa ; then, as fear fell upon the other cities as well, they too sent ambassadors to treat for peace and to deliver their cities to the Romans. These cities numbered sixty-seven. The Romans, after adding the forces of these cities to their own, advanced upon Syracuse, intending to besiege Hiero. But Hiero, perceiving the discontent of the Syracusans, sent envoys to the consuls to discuss a settlement, and inasmuch as the Romans were eager to have as their foe the Carthaginians alone, they readily consented and concluded a fifteen-year peace : the Romans received one hundred and fifty thousand ? drachmas ; Hiero, on condition of returning the captives of war, was to continue as ruler of the Syracusans and of the cities subject to him, Acrae, Leontini, Megara, Helorum, Neetum, and Tauro- menium. While these things were taking place Hannibal arrived with a naval force at Xiphonia, in-
1 M’. Otacilius Crassus and M’. Valerius Maximus Messala.
2 Polybius, 1. 16. 9, sets the figure at 100 talents. The present sum, equal to 25 talents, was perhaps the initial instalment.
8 èm added by Van der Mey. ? cuveyópnoav added by Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 1¢ So Rhodoman (with -xov-): Zuparociors H. u So Dindorf: aùrôrv H.
87
203 B.O.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
Svvdauews eis rv Euipwviav Ponbhowv te BaoiàeT: alà dè Tà merpaypéva åveyæpnoe.
2 "Or “Aðpdvava kæunv kat Makeàav moàààs ýuépas moMopkýoavres ‘Pwpaîor anhAbov ărpa- KTOL.
5. "Ore Aiyeoraîot mpôrTov kpatoúuevot ÚT Kapynôoviwv eis ‘Pwpaiovs ånmékàvav. mapa- màńoov ðè kal ‘Aùkvaot éroiyoav: 'Iàapòv ôè kal Tvupirròv kal rv "Aokeàov ekeroùópkyoav. Tuvõdápior Sè Ödvres aŭroùs drodederupévovs póßw
7 3 f4 T SE OOE AE T a aovoyelévres HBovàńðneav KAL QUTOL QVTOVS ovat.
únontevoavtes è Doivikes Tùv mpoaipeow aùrôv Toùs èmpaveordrovs čÀaßov óuýpovs eis rò Atàŭ- Baiov xal oîrov, olvov, kal tì dAÀŅv mapacrkeviv drekðpoav.
6. Dàýpwv è ó kwpurkòs ëypape Öpdpara evevýkovta éntd, Buboas črn èvevýkovra évvéa.
7. Oi è moMopkoðvres Arpáyavra Tùv mów aùv toîs ‘Pwpaiois kal radpororoðvres kal xápa- Kas Bddovres éka uupidðes Úrfpyov. ToàÀà ĝè oi Ọoivikes åvriuayýoavtes, Tv TóÀAV ° Àkpayavra toîs “‘Pwpaiois mapéðwrav.
8. "Ori ”Avvwv ò mpeoßórepos? èk tis AßBóns katat Tv moMopkiav `Akpáyavros èrepalwoe* peyáàņv Šúvauv eis Zukeàlar*, nmeõv puvpidõðas névre, inneis Õè étakioyiàlovs, eàéhavras ĝè é£ń-
1 So Rhodoman : ’Ayvaior H. 2 aġroùs added by Wifstrand.
88
BOOK XXIII. 4. 1—8. 1
tending to bring aid to the king, but when he learned what had been done, he departed.
Though the Romans kept Macella and the village of Hadranon 1 under siege for many days, they went away without having accomplished their purpose.
5. The Segestans, though at first subject to the 283 or Carthaginians, turned to the Romans.. The Hali- 202 cyaeans acted in a similar fashion ; but Ilarus and Tyrittus and Ascelus they ? took only after a siege. The Tyndarians, seeing themselves deserted, were alarmed and desired to surrender their city, too. But the Phoenicians, becoming suspicious of their inten- tions, took their leading men as hostages to Lily- baeum, and carried off their grain, wine, and the rest of their provisions.
6. Philemon ? the comic poet wrote ninety-seven 262 s.c. plays and lived ninety-nine years.
7. Those who with the Romans were engaged in the siege of Acragas, digging trenches and construct- ing palisades, numbered one hundred thousand. After prolonged resistance the Phoenicians finally yielded the city of Acragas to the Romans.
8. During the siege of Acragas, Hanno the Elder transported from Libya to Sicily a large army, fifty thousand infantry, six thousand cavalry, and sixty
1 The designation “ village” seems to distinguish this place from the city Hadranum mentioned above.
2 Presumably the Romans. The sites of the three towns are not known.
3 A native of Syracuse, he acquired Athenian citizenship, and was a rival of Menander. He died in this year.
3 ó after mpeoßúrepos deleted by Hoeschel. 1 So Wesseling: perà H. 5 So Nock: érépace H.
€ So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : év Eixedig H.
89
DIODORUS OF SICILY
kovra. vos è ð `Akpayavrivos ioTopixòs 3 L € bi fs e y 3 + ` dveypájaro. ó è oðv ”Avvwv dvaģevćas perà la ~ 2 3 m t ~ máons tis Švvdpews k roô Advfaiov maphàbev
> Di e 2 3 å A ka ld eis rhv ‘Hpdáràceav, kab? ôv kapòv ÑABóv rives > t N e kj E bd dmayyéňovres ròv ‘“Epßnoocòv mapaðwoew. ”Av- væv òè Toàeuhoas èv vol udyais dréßaàe otpa- TuóTas Tmeoùs uèv Tpioyiàlovs, inmeis Siakoclovs, twypias Sè terpakıoyiÀiovs> iñépavras ókTà' ba- veîv, Trpidkovta tpeîs Õè karatpavuatıob ivar.
2 "Ori móùis ĝv kal ý Evredàa.?
3 “O Sè ”Avvæv Povàevodpevos euppõvws évi otpa- Tnyýpatı Toùs èyəpoùs dua kral troùs moàeuiovs dveîdev.
9. “EÉ òè uvas mapakabisavres oðtrw mapéaßov ’Akpdyavra, oðàovs drmdápavres? dmavras mÀéov TÕv Õiopupiwv kal mevrakioyiÀiwv. dnéßañov è kal ‘Pwpaîoi meķoùs èv Tpiouvpiovs, imnmeîs ẹè
2up't "Avvæva è oi Kapxnðóvioi ètnuiwoav ypvcoîs étakioyiÀiois aTuáoavres’ avri è ToÚTOV
4 3 Lg 3 l > få orparņyòðv arméoreiňav eis Xikeàiav ’Apiàkav. , LES ` , € > `
3 Muriorparor? òè moopkýoavres ‘Pwpaot, Kal modas uyyavàs morýcavTes, erà pivas énrtà AVEXÓpPNOAV ATpAKTOL, TOÀÀOÙS OTPATUDTAS ANO-
4 Paàóvres. `Apiàkas è roîs ‘Pwuaiois ovvavrýoas
1 Hoeschel, Rhodoman., suggest ovvéßņ (for v’ ?)}, and Rhodoman punctuates Îaveîv rpiárovra, tTpeîs Õè xararp.
2 So Wesseling : °Evrediva H.
3 So Van der Mey : è dpavres H.
å The number is suspect, p perhaps standing for M (mille). 5 So Wesseling : Múorparov H.
1 For Philinus see Jacoby, FGH, no. 174, and the judge- 90
BOOK XXIII. 8. 1—9. 4
elephants. Philinus of Acragas,! the historian, has recorded this. Be that as it may, Hanno marched out from Lilybaeum with all his troops and had reached Heracleia when certain men arrived and declared that they would betray Herbessus ? to him. Hanno fought two battles, in which he lost three thousand infantry, two hundred cavalry, and had four thousand men taken prisoner; eight elephants were killed and thirty-three disabled by wounds. Entella too was a city.
Hanno adopted a clever plan and by a single 261 b.c.
stratagem destroyed both the malcontents * and the public foe.
9. After a siege of six months they became masters 262/1 s.c.
of Acragas in the manner described and carried off all the slaves,’ to the number of more than twenty- five thousand. But the Romans also suffered losses, thirty thousand infantry and fifteen hundred (?) cavalry. The Carthaginians stripped Hanno of his civic rights, fined him six thousand pieces of gold, and in his stead sent Hamilcar to Sicily as commander The Romans laid siege to Mytistratus and constructed many siege engines, but seven months later, having lost many men, they went away empty-handed. Hamilcar encountered the Romans at Thermae, and
ment of Polybius, 1. 14-15. On the siege of Acragas see Polybius, 1. 17-19.
2 Herbessus was the chief Roman base of supplies; ep. Polybius, 1. 18. 5.
2 See Polybius, 1. 19. In the first battle Hanno was superior.
4 4000 Gallic mercenaries in his army ; the story is related in Frontinus, Strat. 3. 16. 3.
5 Or, “ all as slaves.” Zonaras, 8. 10, says that the whole citizen body was sold into slavery. For the size and wealth of Acragas at an earlier period see Book 13. 84.
91
DIODORUS OF SICILY
els Qéppas kal moàeuhoas, viknae kal dnértewev étakioyiňiovs, map oAiyov Sè ğànv ryv óva. fv è cat rò Mátapv ġpoúpiov órò ‘Pwpaiwv eénvôparoðiopévov. `Apuiàkas è ô Kapynðóvios Kapápwav úno npoðorðv mapéňaße Seúrepov: per” ódíyas è huépas ral rs “Evvns èkvpievoev ôv Tpónov kat Kapapivns. rò è Apéravov reiyioas Kal nóÀàw karaorhoas perýrkioe tovs `Epvukivovs,! Kal ròv “Epuka karéokae màùv toô mepi rò lepòr? Tórov. rpirov è moMoprýoavres thv Muriorpa- rov? ‘Pwpaîoi eiov ral karéokapav thv móv, kal rà Úroàeplévra oóuara \aġuporwàńoavres. 5 perà raîra Õè eis Kaudpivav Abov, kal raúry' mapakalioas éàeîv où éðvvýðn: Čorepov è map ‘Iépwvos moepikà òpyava PETAOTEIÀÍHMEVOS, Tiv mów ele ral Tà copara tà melovat Kapapwatwv Emwànoev. eùlùs è úro mpoðorðv ral týv ”Evvav ele kal TÔv dpovpõv ot pèv dvnpéðnoav, ot 8è etéhuyov mpòs toùs ovuudyovs. elra èm Eirrávav eÀbav karà kpdros traúryv ele. eira ôpolws taîs äus móňcoi dpovpav karaorhoas, ènt Kapuròv HADE, ppovpiov `Akpayavrivæwv: ele ral aùrò mpo- Socia’ ròv è rórov čuppovpov karéorņoev. éte- 1 So Wesseling : °Epinvoùs H. 2 7ò iepòv Hoeschel, Rhħhodoman : roô tepos H. 3 So Wesseling : Mýorpakov H.
4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : raúras H. 5 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : màcîor H.
1 4000, according to Polybius, 1. 24. 4, who also states that those defeated were not the Romans but the allies, who were
92
BOOK XXIII. 9. 4-5
having engaged them in battle, was victorious and slew six thousand men,! very nearly the whole army. The fort of Mazarin ? also was taken by the Romans and the people enslaved. Hamilcar the Carthaginian, with the aid of traitors, got possession of Camarina for the second time, and a few days later made bim- self master of Enna in the same way. Having forti- fied Drepanum and set up a city, he removed thither the Erycinians and demolished Eryx except for the area about the temple. The Romans, having put Mytistratus under siege for the third time, captured it, razed the city to the ground, and sold the surviving inhabitants as spoils of war. They then advanced to Camarina and he ? encamped beside it, but was unable to take it ; but later, having sent to Hiero for engines of war, he captured the city, and sold into slavery most of the inhabitants. Immediately thereafter, with the help of traitors, he captured Enna too; of the garrison some were slain, others got away safely to their allies. Then he advanced to Sittana t and took it by assault. Then, having established a garri- son there, as in the other cities, he went on to Camicus a fortress belonging to Acragas. This place too he took by treachery, and stationed a garrison there.
encamped separately. Wesseling’s statement, perpetuated by Dindorf, that Hoeschel gives the figure as 9000 slain, rests on a misunderstanding of a typographical error, the numeral in Hoeschel being simply inverted. Why the up- ended symbol was then construed as signifying 9000 is unclear, though Hoeschel does use an inverted ș (6) for Ẹ (90), as in chap. 6, supra. Rhodoman prints the disputed figure correctly.
2 Probably Mazara, in the territory of Selinus.
3 The subject suddenly shifts to the singular, probably as the result of some condensation in the narrative.
å Perhaps identical with Hippana (Polybius, 1. 24. 11).
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Acihin Sè karà roôrov ròv ypóvov kal “Epßnocés? ér. Ò nmorapòs “Advkos kal dÀàÀaus čoyaros.? (Ezec. Hoesch. pp. 501-503 W.) 10. “Or: ó rôv Kapxnõoviwv orparnyòs ’Avvißas Nrryleis vavpayiąq kai poßoúpevos uù ià Tùv rrav ånò* ris yepovoías TúX%N Tıwpias Teyvá- erai tt Tororov. dnméoreňé twa trôv hiàwv es Kapxynðóva oùs vroňàs ds more čofev aùr auppépew. ó Šè karanàeúoas eis trùv nóv kal npòs Tùv yepovoiav eicaybeis eînev õri mpocératev ’Avvíipas êpwrĝjoaı tùv Povàùv eè keňevet vavpa- xoa Õıakosiais vavol mpos ‘Pwpaiwv ékaròv eikooi. TÕv Šè avafoņnodvrwv kal keàevodvrwv, Toiyapoðv, ëhn, vevavuaynre kal yrrýueba. èkeî- vos è úuðv npooračávrwv anoàéàvrar ris airias. ó èv obv ` Avvißas eiðws rods moàiras èk Tv ano- reàcopdrwv ovkodavroðvraşs roùs orparnyoŭvs,* ToLoŬÚTW TpõTw TAS sopévaşs karņyopias reġ- cidaro.
2 Aaßeßànpévor yàp èv ros mpórepov kivðúvois ös àv rÕv ddarrwudrTwv aiTiot yeyovóres čonevõov Sà raúrņns Tis vavpayias dvarrýoacðar tàs mept roúrwv ðiaßoàds.
11. Ojôèrv ©’ oŭrw karanàirrerat tàs Puyàs tò ýrrnðñvar ðs roîs Kapyxnõoviois.* Svvápevor yàp
1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman (with "E-}) "Eprnooos H.
2 Wurm suggests ëri 8è móùis “Adıxvalwv kal Aat TĜv doyá- TWV,
3 órnò Dindorf. 4 So Dindorf: orparıwras V.
$ Herwerden suggests oùôèv & oðrw karanàńrret ràs ývyàs Losy ro hriva [øs] (mep fv ibe èy roîs Kapynõoviors. Boissevain suggests oùôevi (or oùôeot) for oùðèv. Dindorf (in part after Mai) prints oððèv . . . puyàs ðs rò rryðivar Toùs Kapynõovióvs.
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BOOK XXIII. 9. 5—11. 1
By this time Herbessus, also, had been abandoned. Still the river Halycus .. . for others also... farthest.
10. Hannibal, the general of the Carthaginians, having been defeated in a naval battle,! and fearing that because of the defeat he might be punished by the senate, made use of the following artifice. He dispatched one of his friends to Carthage, and gave him such orders as seemed to him expedient. This man sailed home to the city, and when he had been brought before the senate said that Hannibal had ordered him to ask if it be the council ’s bidding that, with a fleet of two hundred ships, he should engage in battle the Roman fleet of one hundred and twenty ships. With shouts of approval they urged him to give battle. “ Very well,” he said, “ that-is just why Hannibal did fight—and we have been beaten. But since you commanded it, he is relieved of the blame.” Hannibal, then, knowing that his fellow citizens were wont to persecute their generals after the event, thus forestalled the accusations that were in the offing.
Since in the previous battles they had been accused of being responsible for the losses incurred, they were eager to retrieve their damaged reputation by means of this naval engagement.
11. No one is so shattered in spirit by defeat as are the Carthaginians.? They could, for example,
1 The famous battle of Mylae, Rome’s first naval victory. The achievement of the consul Duilius is commemorated in the inscription of the Columna Rostrata in the Forum, CID, 1? 2, 25.
2 The text is uncertain. The Carthaginians had been badly defeated off Cape Ecnomus on the southern coast of Sicily in the summer of 256 B.C.
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pgðiws Sapheipar rhv vavrichv Súvauv TrÔv roe- piwv mepi TÒv katrdràovv oùðè ereyeipnoav roúrovs dpúvaoðar. Tpidkovra yàp vavo tv ‘Pwpalwv npoopepopévwv TÌ xop Kal uhre tráčews uńre avorýparos áðpoð yevouévov Toĵ Te nveúparos Prarórepov èykeruévov, ywpis kwõúvov napiv aipeîv aŭravðpa Tà okán. eè pèv oĝv karaßdvres els rò mediov eÉ loov maperáfavro kal mât Tos uépeoi Tis Õuvduews évepyâs éxphoavro, pgðlws äv repi- eyévovro TÕv Todeuiwv' vv è mps arv uóvov droßàéfpavres rù èpuuvórnra roð Àóġov, kal rôv XPnoipwv tà èv Sià TÀv edÀdBerav mpoéuevor Tà òè Sà rv åmepiav? Siayvońoavres,? roîs ÖÀois éntTaoav.
12. "Ore èv dbuuig noi övrwv rôv Kapyn- oviwv rpeîs võpas yepovola rôv èmpaveord- Twv dréoteiÀe npeoßevràs npòs ròv `AriNov mepl eipývns. roúrwv è "Avvwv ó 'Apiàkov? npôros öv r õóén, Sıaňeyleis roùs dpuótovras Àóyovs TÔ Kup, nmapekdàe TÒv ÙratTov perpiws aùroîs xPýcaoðai rai rís ‘Põuns délws. ó è `Aridios pepeTrewpiouévos Toîs eùnuephuaciwv ral róyns* čv- Opwnrivns oùôepiav ëvvorav Àaufpávwv rnÀraôra kal Troraðra npocérartev ğore Tv ovvrebeuévnv
1 tv added by Dindorf. 2 So Dindorf: dropiav V. 3 àyvońoavres Herwerden, Dindorf*, 1 So Mai: aukas V. 96
BOOK XXIII. 11. 1-12. 1
easily have destroyed the naval force of the enemy as they were putting in to land, but did not even attempt to repel them. For while the Romans, with thirty ships,! were approaching the shore and were neither in battle array nor in compact formation because of the violence of the wind, it would have been possible without any danger to capture the vessels, men and all. And certainly if they had gone down into the plain, and had engaged in battle on even terms and put into action every part of their army, they would easily have prevailed over the enemy. Instead, since they were intent on one thing only, the security afforded by the hill, and since they let slip some of their advantages through excessive caution and failed to recognize others because of their inexperience, they suffered a crushing defeat. 12. Since the Carthaginians were in a state of great despondency, the senate sent three of their most eminent citizens as ambassadors to Atilius, to discuss terms of peace. Of these, Hanno, the son of Hamilcar, was the man held in highest esteem, and after he had said what was appropriate to the occa- sion,he urged the consul to treat them with moderation and in a manner worthy of Rome. Atilius, however, since he was elated by his success and took no account of the vicissitudes of human fortune, dictated terms of such scope and nature that the peace framed
1 The number is suspect. The reference is to the Roman invasion of Africa under M. Atilius Regulus, consul suffectus in 256 B.c. ; cp. Polybius, 1. 29.
2 In the battle at Adys (Polybius, 1. 30); because of their chosen position the Carthaginians were unable to make use of their elephants and cavalry.
5 So Mai: yugîs V. 97
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eipývyv ýr’ aùroô unõèv ðagépeiw Sovàcias. èp’ oîs ópðv Toùs mpeofevràs! dyavarroðvras čpnoev aŭroùs ðeîv roùvavríov yápwv yew èni toros’ uÀ Svvapévwv yàp aùrõv PNTE kaTà yv ure kara fdňatrav únėp Tis eàevlepias dvrirdaoðar, nmâv TÒ ovyywpoúuevov ú$’ éavroð Aaußavew év õwpeĝ. Tõv è mepl Tòv "Avvwva mappnoiatopévæv mpos aùróv, ónepnpdvws ånedńoas mpocéračev dmiévat THY Tayiorny, emg beyëáuevos ört Õe? Tods dyaloùs N) vixâv Ñ exew Tols úmepéyovow.? ó pèv ov úmaTos oÙTE TO THS marpiðos élos év roîs ToroúrTois paunaápevos oŬre Tv ék becob véueow eùàaßnbels ouvróuws ris únepņnpavias déi mepiéneoe tiuwpig.
(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 348-349.)
13. Iávres uėêv oĝv dvðpwrot karà tàs åtvyías? Lêov eiwbaoı To Šaruoviovt uyyuovedew, kal moààdkis êv’ Taîs eùnpuepiais kai? eùnmpagiais òs púlłwv menàaopévæov rõv beð raradpovoðvres kaTa tàs éìarTwoes dvarpéyovow èri Tv pvoichv eùÀdperav. pudora Sè oi Kapynëóviot tà rò péyelos TÕv ènnpTyuévwv póßwv avačņnroðvres tràs ek Tv nmoààðv ypõvwv mapaàcàciuuévas Ovoías enouvràaciatov tàs eis rò beîov Tids.
(Const. Exc. 4, p. 350; to eùàdperav, Exc. Hoesch. p. 504 W.)
14. “Ore ó Edavhirrmos? ó ErapriaTns gvve- Povàeve Tots otparņyoîŭs nmpodyeiw mi roùs Tode- pious: kal raĵĝra égnoev aùroîs? Àéyew oùy iva
1 toùs mpeofevràs or ačroùs Dindorf : roòùs V.
2 öre SeT. . . ûnepéyovow] H (p. 503 W.) has these (=chap. 12. 2 Dind) TAAR PAP Ae Wa
3 “Ore kara tàs dtvylas mdávres dvðpwror H. 4 feos H. ë éy ĝè H.
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BOOK XXIII. 12. 1—14. 1
by him was no better than slavery.! Seeing the ambassadors were displeased at these terms, he said that on the contrary they should be grateful, for this reason, that inasmuch as they were unable to offer resistance either on land or sea in defence of their freedom, they sħould accept as a gift whatever con- cessions he might make. But when Hanno and his companions continued to voice their opinions frankly to him, he threatened them insolently and ordered them to depart as quickly as possible, remarking that brave men ought either to conquer or to submit to those whose power is greater. Now in so acting the consul both failed to observe the custom of his country and to guard against divine retribution, and in a short time he met with the punishment that his arrogance deserved. i
13. Now all men are more apt to be mindful of divinity in times of misfortune, and though often, in the midst of victories and success, they scorn the gods as myths and fabrications, yet in defeat they quickly revert to their natural piety. So, in particu- lar, the Carthaginians, because of the greatness of the fears that now hung over them, sought out the sacrifices that had been omitted for many years, and multiplied the honours paid to the gods.
14. Xanthippus,? the Spartan, kept advising the 255 s.c. generals to advance against the enemy. He did this, he said, not so that by urging and spurring them on
1 Dio Cassius, 11. 43. 22-23, purports to give the terms set by Regulus. Cp. also Polybius, 1. 31.
2 A Greek mercenary, recently enlisted in the service of Carthage ; cp. Polybius, 1. 32-34.
è eùņpepiais kat omitted in V. 7 1 hłe H. 8 So Dindorf: Eavlinnys V. ? So Post: aùròv V, aúròv Dindorf.
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zd $. 2 b3 2 2 pi bd y ereivovs mapočúvas kal mapakaÀéoas aÙùTÒs èkTòS ei “A lA 7 3 ~ e Ñ rõv rwvõðúvwv, GAX nws elou ri mémeorTa “~ 2 ~ tTañra moroúvrwv aùrõv pgðiws mporephoev, aùrós z 2 a a PS Te kalnyoeoða? tis uáxns kai mpôros èv rtoîs A Kkivðúvois &võpayaðńoew. (i Lame + m Orı Eavhimnov karà ròv móňeuov roô Erap- ta TLÁTOU TAPLTTEVOVTOS Kal TOÙS mepevyórtas neğoùs 3 avaortpéģovrtos, einóvros é tivos ôti pgõiws èp’ e immov kalýpevos roùs dàovs eis ròv rivõvvov mapakadeî, mapaypiua kabadópevos? ròv uèv imrov Eai lá A Tv nalðwv rivi mapéðwrev, aùròs è meth Tmaprov 3 A A fd “~ A i Eòeîro u) yevéobar ris ýrrys kal ris ámwàeias FF A airiouvs dmavros* TOÔ oTpatonéðov. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 350.) Chap. 14. 3-4 Dind. =Chap. 15. 10-12, below. e ~ $ ~ A 15. “Hues è rs ioropias oikeĉov óroàaußd- F 4 ~ A 4 vopev eivat TÒ uù) TmapaÀreîv AVETLONLAVTOVS TAS ~ £ t m~ Tv yepóvwv mpoaipéoeis êr’ dupórepa. t pèr” A “~ e 7 2 A yap Tv hpaprnuévwv karņyopig ciophoôoĝat ovu- 7, T-A Paívet roùs émi rùv óuolav karaġepouévovs č- ~ pi ~ A yvorav, r è émi rv dyal? èmirnõevuádrwv F m eùpnuigq nporpéneolat moààðv tràs puyàs mpòs > Z ie dperýv. rís oĝv oùk äv ðıkaíws uéwfjairo Tùv > z tS sA adpocúvņv kal ùv ónepnpaviav tùv `Atıiàlov; THV Y 8 Ca a yap? eùrvyiav Wonep Papù popriov èveykeîv èm- 1 So Dindorf?: elĝwow V, wow Dindorft. 2 So Mai: xabyyńhoaobar V. 3 So Dindorf: xahadàópevos V. 4 So Mai: äravras V. 5 tf uèv] This sentence appears also in H (=chap. 15. 6a ` . : PP v P Dind.) in the following corrupt form: õrı pĝov ori twa (Hoeschel, Rhodoman add órèp roùs) éêxlpoùs yevéoðar, àv póvov ayab® cvußoúàw xpýoorro, meðópevos Tův pèv tv huaptyuévwv
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BOOK XXIII. 14. 1—15. 1
he might himself remain out of danger, but that they might know that he was confident of their ready vic- tory if they would do so. As for himself, he added, he would lead the attack and would display his valour at the foremost point of danger.
During the battle Xanthippus, the Spartan, rode up and down, turning back any foot-soldiers who had taken flight. But when someone remarked that it was easy for one on horseback to urge others into danger, he at once jumped down from his horse, handed it over to a servant, and going about on foot, begged his men not to bring defeat and destruction upon the whole army.?
15. We consider it to be a proper part of history not to pass over without comment the policy, whether good or bad, of men in positions of leadership.? For by the denunciation of their errors others who are drifting into a like mistake may be set straight, while by the praise of noble behaviour the minds of many are prompted to right action. Could anyone, in all justice, fail to censure the folly and arrogance of Atilius? By his inability to bear adroitly the
1 Thanks to Xanthippus the Romans were routed and Regulus was taken captive.
2 With this whole passage cp. Polybius, 1. 35. The following sentence appears in H preceded by the words : ~ It is easy to get the better of one’s enemies, if only one employs a good adviser.”
xarņyopiav ĝtophoðobar. ral ovußaiver Toùs émi ràv dpolav kaTa- depopévovs äyay è ênl rÂv åyabâv émTyõevuáraw eùpnuiav KTÀ. The opening words (re . . . meðóuevos) seem to be the work of the excerptor.
€ iyabłôv omitted in P.
7 So Bekker: `Avriàtov P, 'Arriàtov Valesius.
8 tùv yàp . e > ovunTópact] This sentence appears also in H (=chap. 15. 6b Dind.).
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eéíws où Övvnleis éavròv uèr dneorépnoe Tis peyiorys Sdéns, riv Sè narpiða peydàois meptéßaàe 2 ovumTěpaTı* Šuváuevos yàp béoðar Tùv eiphvyv avuhépovoav pèv TÌ ‘Poun, rarewhv è kal mavredðs aioypàv Ti Kapynõóv, mpos è TovTots ånevéykaoða mapà Tmõow avðpórois alwviov uvh- HNV ġuepórnTos kal piàavbpwrnias, TOoÚTWV uèv où’ vTivoĝv énorýoato àóyov, Toîs è TÕv ğruynkörwv nTalouacw únepnpávws mpooeveybeis, ThÀxaîra kal Toraĝra TpoTÉTATTEV wore? TÒ èv Šaruõviov vepeofjoat, ToÙS sè Úrrnuévovs Sià rv únreppoàùv TÅs ékelvov Bapórnros énavaykáoat Tparéobar 3 pòs dáàrýv. Toryapoôv eùs TyÙkaŬrn Tv Tpay- pdáTwv èyévero mañippora Š? ereîvov ore ToÙS èv Kapyņõovíovs roùs ða tùv rrav kal rv kard- mÀnEw dmeyvwkóras TÒ mpórepov Tův owrTnpiav, êk perapoàiĵs róre apońcavras kararóļar rùův TÕv moàepiwv óva, TÒ ÕÈ oúvoàov TÀKaŬTy mÀnyi kal ouupopå mepimeoetv thv ‘Poun dore Toùs ev T mebouayeiv árndvrwv davbðpăórmwv ĝo- Kovras mpwreveiw unkért TOÀuâv èk TOÔ mpoxeipov 1l pèv omitted in P. 3 ovumrópaci H, kaxoîs P.
3 So Valesius: dre P.
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heavy burden, as it were, of success, he robbed him- self of the highest renown and involved his country in serious disasters. Though he could have made peace on terms advantageous to Rome, as well as humiliating and utterly shameful to Carthage, and could in addition have won for himself among all mankind enduring remembrance for clemency and humanity, he took no account of these things, but dealt so arrogantly with the defeated in their mis- fortunes and dictated terms so harsh that the gods were roused to just anger and the defeated enemy were driven by his excessive severity to turn and resist. In consequence there now occurred, thanks to him, so great a turn of the tide that the Car- thaginians, who in consternation at their defeat had previously despaired of safety, now veered round and in an access of courage cut to pieces the army of their enemies, while Rome was altogether dealt so di- sastrous a blow that those who were reputed to be foremost in all the world in infantry warfare no longer ventured to engage the foe in battle at the first
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4 ovykaraßaívew eis Tapáračw. ciò kal ovvéßn rèv móepov pakpórtartov pèv yevéobor rõv pvnpovevc- pévav, Toùs è åyôvas peraneoeiy is vavpayias, ev als tÔv ‘Pwpaiwv kal tTÕv avupáywv Srephapn- cav vaðs naprànleis, ävõpes* &’ oùk éÀdrrTovs TÕV òéka uvpidðwv cùv toîs év raîs vavayiais åmoào- pévors? xpyuáTwv Sè eðaravýðn Tocoĝtos åpıĝ- Lòs cov eikós èat avañôoai ToùsS aródovs pèv nÀnpoðvras? êk Togovrwv" vyv GUVEOTNKŐTOS, ôra- moàeuýoavtas Ôè darò TovTwv TÕV ypóvwv ëT mevrekaiðeka. où uùv Ö ye ToútTwv aitios êdayi-
15. 7. Tôv è “Powuaiwv èv „ABón Sraßávræv Leyáàņ ðvvdue gvv ATTAW ÙTÁTW, TO pèv TpÕTov Kapyxnðovíovs èvikņyoav, kal nóìes kal ppoùpta eîÀov ToàÀd kal úvajuv ToàÀùv karékotav. Üorte- pov è ZSavlinnov Ernapridrov otparnyoð pobo- pópov ¿àĝóvros ağ? ‘EAàdôos, évirnoav KATA kKpaTos Kapynõóvior ‘Pwpalovs kal katékopav peydànv óva. čkToTE vavpayiat êyévovro* kal nov okapôv kai davôpôv anrædea ‘Pwpaiois éyévovto, œs elvat Tòv tÔv amoàwàótwv àpiĝðuov ðéka pvpidðas. (Exc. Hoesch. p. 504 W.5)
orv uepiða tis cvupopâs åmyvéykaro. TÎS npoünapxoóons avte" Sófns moanràaciav’ 2a åTiulav kal TV aioyúvnv ŅAAdéaTo, Toîs è iðlois
So Salmasius, Valesius : dvôpos (s. acc.) P.
vavayiais åmoàopévois Dindorf: vavpayiais amoàvppévoris P. So Dindorf: màéovras P.
So Wesseling: rôv P; v (i.e. rpakociwv) Reiske. Hoeschel brackets éyévovro.
This passage is preceded and followed in H by sentences
CECE-
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opportunity. Fn consequence the war turned out to be the longest on record, and the conflict resolved itself into a series of naval battles, in which the Romans and their allies lost a multitude of ships and no fewer than one hundred thousand men, including those who perished by shipwreck ; as for the amount of money expended, it was as great as one might expect in view of the cost of manning a navy con- sisting of so many ships and of carrying on the war for fifteen years after this time. But indeed the man who was the cause of all this gained as his reward no
15. 7. After ! the Romans crossed over to Libya with a large army commanded by the consul Atilius, they were at first victorious over the Carthaginians, and captured many cities and forts and cut to pieces a large army. Later, however, after a Spartan general, Xanthippus, a mercenary soldier, had come from Greece, the Carthaginians defeated the Romans by main force and cut to pieces a large army. There- after there were naval battles and the Romans lost many ships and men, so that the number of those who perished was one hundred thousand.
small portion of the disaster. In exchange for the esteem he already enjoyed he received dishonour and disgrace many times as great, and by his personal mis-
1 See critical note to text.
taken directly from the text preserved in P. Its closest point of contact is with chap. 15. 4, but it is clearly a summary account written by the compiler of the Hoeschel fragments.
7 ris yàp . . . éàeov] This sentence appears also in H (=chap. 15. 8 Dind.). For rĝs yàp H has åvri pèv rĝs.
8 aùtoî
z noaniaoias H.
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DIODORUS OF SICILY
ovunTtwpaci Toùs Aàovs edidaée uérpia pove? ev raîs efovoiais, TÒ Òè péyiorov, &v únepnpávnoe Tùv dTvyíav, Toúrwv ġvaykádoðn tv ÖBpw kal mùv efovoiav hépeiww, npoadypnuévos avroð? tv ovy- yvóunv kal TOV ovykeywpnuévor* Toîs èmrtaikóow cov. Eavlirnros è t kaf éavròv dperñ Toùs Kapynõoviovs où uóvov e£ aùrôv rôv ewôv è£ńp- macev, dÀÀd kal Tòv årmavra Toàeuov eis roùvavriov mepiéotnoe. ToÙs pèv? yàp dnacı kparoðvras Toîs dors? ŅAdrTwoe, roùs È Sià rs yrrys mpooõo- kÕvTas? TÅv dnwàerav TÔ peyéber To mporephuartos enoiņnoe karapovĵoar tÕv noàeulwv. ò kal Tis TÕv npaybévrwv êmgpaveias eis dracav oyeðòv Tùv oikovpévny ĵiaðobeions, čkaoros® èbaúuate tùv Tavõpòs dperův eikórws: mapáðoćov yàp èß$aívero mâow el npocyevouévov roîs Kapynõoviois évòs pó- vov dvôpós, r)Àxaúrņn rÕv wv èyévero peraßoà) ÖoTe Toùs pèv eis moMopklav pTi ovykekÀeo- pévovs ¿k peraßoàñs tToùs evavriovs™® moopkeîv, Toùs è mpórepov ys raè Oaňdrrys Š? àv- Ôpeíav kparoĝvras év móde purp ovunepevyóras npooðéyeohari Thv dàwow. oùðèv” Sè Bavuaoròv el arparņyoð oúveois kal mpaypáræv èpneipia TÔv dðuvdrww ğokovvrwv elvat mepieyévero. (Const. Exe. 2 (1), pp. 258-259.) Oùõðèv yàp Îavuacròv e? aerparnyoð oúvecis kat npayuátrwv éumepia tv dðuvádrwv okovvrwv 1 So H: roîs iioi ovumtTópaciv Toùs Sè Aovs éiagev P.
2 uerpiopoveîv H. 3 éavroð H, òè aùroô P.
106
BOOK XXIII. 15. 4-10
fortuneshe taught other men to observe moderation in the exercise of power ; worst of all, since he hadalready deprived himself of the possibility of forgiveness and of the pity that is accorded to the fallen, he was forced to endure the insolence and arrogance of those whose ill-fortune he had treated with such disdain. Xanthip- pus, on the other hand, by his personal excellence not only rescued the Carthaginians from their desperate situation but reversed the course of the whole war. For he utterly humbled those whose might was alto- gether superior, while by the magnitude of his suc- cess he enabled those who by reason of their defeat were expecting destruction to look with scorn upon their enemies. As a result, when the fame of these achievements was spread abroad throughout almost all the world, all men marvelled, not without reason, at his ability ; for it seemed incredible that by the addition of a single man to the Carthaginians so great a ehange in the whole situation had resulted that those who just now had been shut in and besieged should turn about and lay siege to their opponents, and that those whose bravery had given them the upper hand on land and sea should have taken refuge in a small city and be awaiting capture. Yet it is not at all surprising that the native intelligence and the practical experience of a general overcame seemingly
t So Hoeschel, Rhodoman, Salmasius : ovyreywpnuévwr P, ovyxexwpiopévwv H.
5 roùs pėv. . . moàeuiwv] This sentence appears also in H (=chap. 15. 9 Dind.). H has roùðs yàp mâo.
€ Sors P, row H. 7 ŝè omitted in P.
3 mpooŝoxoôvras H. ° yàp after čkagros deleted by Toup.
10 So Salmasius, Valesius : êvavriws P.
11 The text of P here overlaps that of H; see following section (chap. 15. 10).
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DIODORUS OF SICILY
mepreyévovro. ndvra yàp T ovvécei Báoiua' kal Suvarà yiverai? TÅs TÉxvNs èv nâo yepovpévns Tv Biar.
11 Kobárep yàp” Tò oôpa Tis puxis è èori Soov, oŭrws at peyda uvápeis T Ttv ýyeuóvwv Úreikovot ppovhoet.
12 Toô PÒS TÒ ovppépov Řovàevrypiov*t rávrař KATLOXÚOVTOS . .
(Ezec. Hoesch. p. 504 W.; from mávra yàp to end, Const. Exc. 4, p. 350 = Chap. 14. 3-4 Dind.) 16. “Pyyoúàw T “Pwpaiw dè Mápkw TÔ otpa-
TNÀAdTN
katagyebévri Zixedoîs yabe Tò Téos otov.
Tà PBàépapa trôv ò$haàuðv uayaipa ovvře- póvres
Ñvewyuévovs cetacayv Tods ophaàuods èkeivov.
pp, òè roôrov erpéavres kaàúfn orTevw- TAT),
äypiov éfororphoavres ¿Mépavra fnpiov,
ekivovv tToõrov kab’ aŭro ovykaraonrâv kal ééew.
oŭrw mownàarToúuevos ó otTparnyòðs ò péyas
Ttòv Biov ečanénvevoev JONwpévo TéÀcL.
Toîs Xikedoîs kal Bdvhirros ð Erapridrys fvýorer.
mept yàp TÒ AAóßairov trôv Zikeàðv rùv TOA
‘Pwpaiois re ral Bikeàoîs móàepos kpo- TEÎTO,
mpòs elkoot kal TÉooapas Toùs ypővovs č- apkécas.
108
BOOK XXIII. 15. 10—16. 1
insuperable difficulties. For intelligence makes all things accessible and possible, and in all mştters skill overcomes brute force.
Just as the body is the servant of the soul, so great armies respond to the intelligent control of their leaders.
With an eye to what was expedient the senate, prevailing over all difficulties . . .
16. Learn the fate that befell Marcus Regulus, the Roman general, after his capture by the Sicels.! They cut off his eyelids with a knife and left his eyes open. Then, having penned him in a very small and narrow hut, they goaded to madness a wild elephant, and incited it to draw him down under itself and mangle him. Thus the great general, as though driven by an avenging fury, breathed his last and died a most wretched death. Xanthippus the Spartan also died at the hands of the Sicels. For round about Lilybaeum, a city of the Sicels, there was the clash of war between Romans and Sicels, war that had continued for twenty-four years. The Sicels, having
1 Tzetzes refers to the Carthaginians ‘throughout this passage as Sicels.
1 So Hoeschel, „Rhodoman : Bánya H, Ráðiua V. ? yiera V, yew 3 kabánrep yàp H, xal xabánep V. & Tof Bovàevrnpiov HBOS, tò ovuġépov Dindorf. mgVTÒS
109
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DIODORUS OF SICILY
oi Zucedol Taîs udyais è TOAAÍKIS ÚTTN- évot
‘Powpaiois êveyeipiķov Tùy mów eis Õovàelav.
TÕV Sè ‘Pwpaiwv pndauðs unè’ otw mebo- uévwv,
dÀÀa „yvpvoùs roùs Xikeàods Àeyõvrwv éf- éva,
ò Enraprárns Edvlimros eàbùv dnò rîs Eraprys
` . e l4 ~ 4 2 e 7 OUV OTPATLWTALS EKATOV, V) povos kaĝ EFES
ovs,
kar Movs BÈ MEVTÁKOVTA TOÙS OTPATÓTAS čxwv,
kai npooßaà®v roîs Xıxedoîs, oĝow eyre- ràeopévos,
ðe épunvéws TE aùToîs TOÀAÀQ ovvopuàńoas, téàos bappýver kar èxipôv: kal ovvapáćas páxn ämav ‘Pwpaiov OTpÉTEVA OÙV TOŬTOLS KATA- kónTEL. Toîs eùnpyernpévors õè TV åpopiv Aaußáve dgiav kal kaTdàànàov tis Toútrwv ĝvortpo- mias. la ~ ` ES ` e ` nmÀoiw calp ròv dvðpa yàp ot papot Ba- Àóvres Úrnò orpoaîs Pvbitovo: meàdyer Tof ’Aðpiov Baorývavres tòv pwa kal toúrov Tò yev- vaïov. A e z + A N m" e tis ioropias péuvnrar tode kal ris ‘Pr- yoviov ó Zixeàòs Aidðwpos. (Tzetzes, Hist. 3. 356-386.)
BOOK XXIII. 16. 1
suffered defeat in battle many times, offered to put their city in subjection to the Romans. The Romans, however, would not listen even to this offer but ordered the Sicels to go forth empty-handed. Xan- thippus the Spartan, who had come from Sparta with a hundred soldiers (or alone, or with fifty soldiers, according to various authorities), approached the Sicels while they were yet hemmed in, and after con- versing with them at length through an interpreter finally gave them courage to oppose their enemies. He clashed in battle with the Romans and with the aid of the Sicels cut to pieces their whole army. Yet for his good service he received a recompense worthy of and appropriate to that perverse people, since the foul wretches set him in a leaking ship and sank him beneath the swirling waters of the Adriatic, in their envy of the-hero and of his nobility.: Diodorus the Sicel records this story and that of Regulus.
1 Polybius, 1. 36. 2-4, says that after his great success Xantippris prudently returned to Sparta, but he also hints at another version of the story.
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DIODORUS OF SICILY
17. DiMorost õè ioropikòs Ñv.
18. Oi è ‘Pwpaïo eis riv Apúnv ciarepd- oavres kat Tòv nóàeuov perà rv Kapynõoviwv veðr? movýoavres, kal vikýoavres kal vaĝs elkoot tréooapas mapañaßóvres Kapyxnðovías, roùs àrò TOÔ nebikoð moàépov ciaocwhévras ‘Pwpalovs dva- Aaßóvres rai mpòs Lireiav ĝianepõvres èyyùs ris“ Kapapivas èkwðúvevoav, rat anróàeoav pakpàs? vas rpiaxocias reocapdkovta, innaywyoùs è kal? màoîa érepa tpiakóoia’ anò Sè Kauapivns čws Tlayóvov tà oúpara kai rà dÀoya kal Tà vaváyia ékewTo. Toùs Šè iaowhévras ‘Tépwv hiàavlpdrws mapaàaßow, obire kal tpoph kal ri dorri xpeig
2 åàvanraúsas čws Meoońvns Sıéowoe. Kaphdàwv pèv ò Kapynðóvios perà rùv vavayiav trôv ‘Po- paiwv moMopkýoas `Arpdyavra raúrņv ele, kal Tùv pèv nÒ èvénpnoe, Tà Sè reiyn kabeev. oi
3 è karaderphévres ëġuyov eis rò °Oàúumiov. oi Sè ‘Pwpaîor repov oróàov erà tò vaváyiov vavrnyńý- gavTtes, kal ĝiakociais mevrýkovra vavolv es TÒ Kegdañolðrov” éAbóvres, roôro Sià mpoðoociav map- éàaßov. èri Õè rà Apérava ¿àbóvres kal moMNoprý- gavres, To Kapháwvos Bonloðvros, ètéresov kat
4 Alov eis rùv Tdvoppov. rahłoppiohévres èv t Aréne mÀànolov rÂÔv Teiyôv rai Thv Õúvajuv èkßißdá-
1 Ovos Wesseling, Jacoby. 2 oi after ‘Pwpaîor deleted by Dindorf. 8 yéwv (sic H) deleted by Reiske, Dindorf. 4 éyyòs rís Dindorf: et aùrfs H. 5 So Wesseling : pixpàs H. 112
BOOK XXĪII. 17. 1—18. 4
17. Philistus 1! was an historian.
18. The Romans ? crossed over to Libya and en- gaged the Carthaginian fleet in battle ; having been victorious and having captured twenty-four Cartha~ ginian vessels, they took on board the Roman survivors of the battle on land, but while sailing across to Sicily ran into danger near Camarina and lost three hundred and forty warships, as well as cavalry transports and other vessels to the number of three hundred ; bodies of men and beasts and pieces of wreckage lay strewn from Camarina as far as Pachynus. Hiero received the survivors hospitably, and having refreshed them with clothing, food, and other essentials, brought them safely to Messana. After the shipwreck of the Romans, Carthalo the Carthaginian laid siege to Acragas, captured and burned the city, and tore down its walls. The sur- viving inhabitants took refuge in the sanctuary of Olympian Zeus.? The Romans constructed another fleet after the shipwreck, and proceeding to Cepha- loedium with two hundred and fifty ships got posses- sion of that place by treason. They went on to Drepana and put it under siege, but when Carthalo came to its aid they were driven off and went to Panormus. There they moored their ships in the harbour close to the walls, and after disembarking
1 Philistus of Syracuse (d. 356 s.c.) wrote a history of Sicily (Jacoby, FGH, no. 556). ` Some editors emend to read Philinus, on whom see chap. 8.
2 The narrative of chapters 18-21 differs in a number of details from the parallel account in Polybius, 1. 36-40.
$ On this temple see Book 13. 82.
€ kal added by Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 7 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Kepadúsny H. 8 ernoMoprýoavres Dindorf*.
113
255 B.O.
254 B.C
DIODORUS OF SICILY
12 Z O ` : cavres, êyapákovv kal éTáßpevov TV TNV kaTa- z ` “A LA t ~ ~ Sévëpov yàp Tis xópas péxpi TÕv TVÀAÕV OVONS, ` ano Îaàdoons cis Odàaccav tà ywparta êxapakw- $ 3 2 Ea “~ Onoav kal êraġpeúĝnoav. elra ‘Pwuaiot ovveyeîs hJ tA A a npocßoààs mroroúpevoi taîs unyavaîs? Kkaréßañov A A A Ea > Tò qTeîyos, kal ts èktòs móňews kvpieðoav- Tes Todos dvetàov: oi Sè Adoi čhvyov eis Tv > z Lé 4 l4 2 1 åpxaíav óV, Kal mémpavres mpéoßeis mpòs Toùs Ea LA > 2 A 5 Úrdrovs Ņéiovv toîs oæpaci doġdàerav. tÕv ĝè ? 3 , R A ovupwvoúvrwv? úo uvâês TÖ owparıe Sðóvras 3 Ht ivi A lA hs 2 ee a ; eMevlépovs eba, Tapéaßov Tv nóÀw ot ‘Pwpaîor, LA ~ kal pýpia TerpakıoxíNa cúparta tuis ovveywphn T eúpeĝlévre àpyvpíw kal dreàvbn. roùs ğè 2 + z Eg ÀoroŬs, pupíovs Tpioyiàlovs Övras, kal thv AANV 3 y 3 A arookeviv eiaġuporoànoav. 'Iairivoit Sè èk- ié 5 ` a Ö , ` ` ? Badóvres* tův rv owikwv dpovpàv tùv mów e Pwpalois wrav. maparàyoiws è Toúrors èroin- cav Loàovvrivot kal Ierpivo: kal ° Hvarrapivor kal T ŝ a 8 e g ` 3 z vvõapîrat.® oi è Öraror $povpàv èv IHavóppw 4 Aróvres anrfAbov els Meooývyv. “~ D. 19. To Sè émıyevouévov črTovs mÀeðoavres oi e a 2 A Pwpaîo:i Sevrepov eis Apónv, kai rôv Kapyn- / y ? 2 A i Soviwv uù) éacávrwv aùroùs ópuĵoa, Únoorpé- s 3 a phovres Abov eis Iávopuov. èrebev årápavres els e 7 8 , p , m Poun , SeVTepov evavdynoay xeuóvos aùrtoùs A y m katañaßóvros, kal droecav vaðs uakpàs ékartòv 2 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : épßıBáoavres H.
2 taîs uņxavaîs Rhodoman : xai pnyavàs H. 3? So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : ovupavwv H.
114
BOOK XXIII. 18. 4—19. 1
their men, invested the city with a palisade and a trench ; for since the countryside is heavily wooded right up to the city gates, the earthworks and trenches were made to extend from sea to sea. Thereupon the Romans by making constant assaults and by employing engines of war broke down the city wall, and having gained possession of the outer city slew many ; the rest fled for refuge to the old city, and sending envoys to the consuls asked for assurances that their lives would be spared. An agreement was made that those who paid two minas apiece should go free, and the Romans then took over the city ; at this price fourteen thousand persons were brought under the agreement upon payment of the money, and were released. All the others, to the number of thirteen thousand, as well as the household goods, were sold by the Romans as booty. The inhabitants of Iaetia expelled their Punic garri- son and handed over the city to the Romans. The people of Solus, Petra, Enattaros, and Tyndaris acted in like fashion. The consuls, having stationed a garrison in Panormus, then withdrew to Messana.
19. In the following year the Romans again sailed to- Libya, but being prevented by the Carthaginians from mooring their ships they turned about and went to Panormus. Having set sail thence for Rome they were overtaken by a storm and again suffered shipwreck, and lost one hundred and fifty warships
2 This place is unknown, and the name may be corrupt.
4 So Dindorf: ’Ierivor H. 5 So ed. Rhod. : èxpáħovres H. € So Rhodoman : Turõapiða: H. ? So Hoeschel, Rhodoman (és Meońvyy) : év Meońývy H. 8 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman (és): & ‘Papy i 115
253 B.C.
DIODORUS OF SICILY
nevrýrovra kai Tv AAV draoav tÔv innaywyôðv Kai Aaúpaw. .. $ roô è Oepuôv TmuÀwpot Tepl TÀ kw yevouévov eis dvaykalas ypelas, Úrnò toô ‘Pwpaiwv orparoô gvvenn: kal ènpéoßevoe mpòs ròv åpyovra, rı àv ånoàýon aùròv dvoífeiw aùr® Tù núànv Tĝs móews vukTós. To Šè dro- Aŭoavros, kal ovvðeuévov kapóv, danéoreiev ó äpxwv yıňíovs vuktós. kal pldoavres, ó uèv kara? Tv opiopémy Åvorée mún tiv Šè oi npótorTo kal èmpaveis? eioñAlov, kal elrov tÔ mviwpô kàcîoar kal unòéva Adov eoa” eioedbeiv, Oédovres uóvws? ròv mÀoĵrov Tis móàcws par. oĝroi mdvres Katekómnoav, dérov ris nmÀàcovećias Îdvarov óro- peivavtes.
20. Ev dw è kup ràs Oépuas kal tù Ardpav ‘Pwpaîoi mapéňaßov dupw. moMopký- oavres è ‘Pwpuatoi kai ‘Eprriv ppovpiov pvpidot Téocapor kat yiioirs inreðow éc? oùk toyvoav.
21. `Aoôpovßas? è ò arparnyòðs rôv Kapyn- Soviwv Pàaopnuoúpevos óró trôv ibiwv ıd Tò u) nodeueîv, vaevas perà mdons Svváuews Šid ris Eeàvovvrias voywpias Alev eis rò Tldvopuov. kal ciaßıBdoas trov morapòv Tòv oúveyyus, Tepi TÀ TEXN EOTpaTOnéÕEVOE, UNTE yapákwua uÚTE Td- ġpov tdžas ĵıà Tò karadpoveîv. mdáùw è kal rôv
1 Hoeschel, Rhodoman suggest adding mapaorevýv. Din- dorf suggests also perà after ämacav.
2 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : yeîpas H. è Hoeschel, Rhodoman suggest ot kal pháoavres xove ó
116
BOOK XXIII. 19. 1—21. 1
and all their transports and booty besides. . . . The keeper of the gate at Thermae, having gone without the walls for the needs of nature, was captured by the Roman army ; he sent word to the commander that if he would release him he would open the city gate for him during the night. The commander released him and having fixed a time sent a thousand men at night. They arrived and he opened the gate at the appointed time. The leaders, men of note, entered and ordered the gate-keeper to bolt the gate and to allow no one else to enter, since they wished to carry off the wealth of the city themselves. All of these men were cut down and suffered the death that their greed deserved.
20. On another occasion the Romans got possession of both Thermae and Lipara. Though the Romans also laid siege, with forty thousand men and a