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A HISTORY OF CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
A HISTORY OF CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
Vol. I
THE PERIOD OF THE PHILOSOPHERS
(from the beginnings to circa ioo c.c.)
BY
FUNG YU-LAN
Translated by
DERK UODDE
With introduction, nottv, bibliography and index
7259
;rmo9-
Yu'L./ Sod
LONDON
GEORGE ALLEN k UNWIN LTD
RUSK. I tt HOUSE MUSEUM STRttl
Second Edition in English, 1952
This first volume of Fung %u -Ian’s history was pub¬ lished in Chinese in 1931 by the Shen Chou Publishing Company, Shanghai. It was reissued in 1934, together with the Chinese edition of Vol. II, by the Commercial Press, Shanghai. The present English edition is repro¬ duced without change, except for the indicated new ma¬ terial and corrections on pp. xxi ct seq., from the trans¬ lation by Mr. Bodde published in 1937 by Henri Vetch, Peiping. This reissue of Vol. I coincides with first publi¬ cation of the English of Vol. II. Both volumes arc pub¬ lished by arrangement with Henri Vetch.
Printed in the United States of America
011TTH AT t>ot,o«TOA$
CENTRAL ARCH AEG ) ilGAL LIBRARY, N-W uu. -U.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Translator’s Preface .
Translator’s Historical Introduction Chapter I — Introd oction . .
Chapter II— A General Survey of the Period of the Philosophers
1 . Beginnings of the period
2. Causes for the development of philosophy during
the period .
3. The close of the period .
4. The close of the ancient period of transition
5. The forms of the early literature .
Chapter III — Philosophical and Religious Thought prior
xj
xv
8
15
18
19
|
Confucius . |
. 22 |
|
1 . Divine Beings . |
. 22 |
|
2. Divination and Magic |
. 26 |
|
3. Heaven and God |
... .. .. 30 |
|
4. Beginnings of enlightenment . . |
. 31 |
|
5. The rise of rationalism . . |
. 33 |
Chapter IV — Confucius and the Rise of Confucianism . .
1 . The Position of Confucius'in Chinese History
2. Attitude of Confucius toward traditional institutions
and beliefs
3. The Rectification of Names .
4. Confucius as a creator through being a transmitter. .
5. The virtues of uprightness, human-heartedness,
conscientiousness and altruism
6. Righteousness, utilitarianism and human nature
Chapter V— Mo TzO and ti!e Early Mohist School
1. Concerning the study of Mo TzQ .
2. The Canons and the Major and Minor Illustrations
in the
43
46
54
59
62
66
73
76
80
VI
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
3. The Mohists as an organized body . 81
4. Mo Tzii’s Utilitarianism . 84
5. What is the great profit for the people ? . . . . 87
6. Universal Love . 91
7. Religious sanctions . . . . . . . • . . 96
8. Political sanctions . . . . . • • . • . 100
9. Additional remarks . . . . . . . . . • • 103
Chapter VI — Mencius and his School of Confucianism
1. The Mission of Mencius and his position in Chinese
history .
2. Attitude toward the Chou institutions
3. Ideal political and economic measures
4. The goodness of human nature
5. Opposition to utilitarianism
6. Heaven, human nature and the ‘ moving force ’
106
108
111
119
127
129
Chapter VII — The ‘ Hundred Schools ’ . . • • • • 132
1. Yang Chu and the rise of the Taoist school . . . . 133
2. Ch’en Chung Tzii . . . . . . • • • • 143
3. Hsu Hsing and Ch’en Hsiang . . . . . . • • 144
4. Kao Tzii and other debaters on human nature . . 145
5. Yin Wen and Sung K’eng . . . . . . . . 148
6. P’eng Meng, T’ien P’ien and Shen Tao . . . . 153
7. Tsou Yen and the School of Yin and Yang and of the
Five Elements . 159
Chapter VIII — Lao TzO and his School of Taoism
1. Lao Tan and Li Erh . . . . . . . . . . 170
2. Lao TzQ and Chuang Tzii . 172
3. The spirit of the people of Ch’u . 175
4. The Way and the Power . . . . . . . . 177
5. Observations on things . . . 180
6. How to live in the world . 183
7. Political and social philosophy. . .. .. ..186
8. Attitude toward desire and knowledge . . . . 187
9. The ideal man and ideal society . 189
TABLE OF CONTENTS
vu
Chapter IX— Hui Shih, Kung-sun Lung and the Other Dialecticians
1. The general tendencies in the Dialectician doctrines 192
2. Hui Shih and Chuang Tzu . . . . • • • • 194
3. Hui Shih’s Ten Paradoxes . . • • • • • • 197
4. Differences between Hui Shih and Chuang Tzu . . 201
5. Kung-sun Lung’s * Discourse on the White Horse ’ 203
6. Kung-sun Lung’s conception of the Chih . . • • 205
7. Kung-sun Lung’s ‘ Discourse on Hard and White ’ 207
8. Kung-sun Lung’s * Discourse on Chih and Things ’ 209
9. Kung-sun Lung’s * Discourse on the Explanation of
Change * . 212
10. The * Unity of Similarity and Difference ’ and
* Separateness of Hard and White ’ . . • • 214
11. The Twenty-one Paradoxes of the Dialecticians . . 215
12. Sensation and intellect . . . . • • • • • • 220
Chapter X— Chuang TzO and his School of Taoism
1. Chuang Tzu and the characteristics of the people of Ch’u .
2. The Way, the Power and Nature
3. The philosophy of change
4. How to attain happiness
5. Liberty and equality
6. Immortality
7. The world of pure experience
8. Absolute freedom
9. Chuang TzQ compared with Yang Chu
Chapter XI— The Later Mohist School
1. Conditions of the Mohist school during the Warring
States period .
2. Utilitarianism in the ‘ Mohist Canons ’
3. Discussions on knowledge
4. Discussions on dialectic
5. Discussions on ‘ Similarity and Difference ’
6. Discussions on * Hard and White
221
223
225
226 230 236 239
243
244
246
248
251
257
262
265
7. Discussions on other problems of the Dialecticians. . 270
viii
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
8* Arguments for Universal Love . . . . . . 271
9. Arguments with other philosophic schools * * 274
Chapter XII— Hsun TzO and his School of Confucianism
1. Hsiin Tzu as a scholar * . * . . * * * - * 279
2. Attitude toward Confucius and Mencius * * * « 280
3. Attitude toward the Chou institutions - * 282
4* Heaven and human nature * . * - • . - - 284
5* Hsiin Tzu’s system of psychology . * . * * * 289
6. Origins of society and the state . . - , * - 294
7. Rites and music . . , , . . - . - . « * 297
8, The King and the Feudal Leader * . * - - - 299
9, The Rectification of Names . 302
Chapter XIH — Han Fei Tztj .and the Other Legalists
1. The Legalist doctrines and the social, political and
economic tendencies of their time * * * * - - 312
2. The Legalist concept of history - * . - - - 316
3. The three groups in the Legalist school . * . , 318
4. The three groups and Han Fei Tzu . . . , . . 320
5. The importance of law * * . * , . . • * * 321
6- Rectification of Names and Actualities , . * * 323
7* Strictness in Rewards and Punishments * . - . 325
8. The evilness of human nature * < - * . . * . 327
9. Non-activity , . * . * . • - * • * * 330
10, The Legalists and the nobles of their time . . , . 335
Chapter XIV — The Confucians of the Ch’in and Han Dynasties . , - , . * 337
1* General principles of Li . • . . * . * . 337
2. General principles underlying music . . * - * . 341
3. Theory of mourning rites . . . . . , * , 344
4. Theory of sacrificial rites . , * . - , - . 350
5. Theory of marriage rites . « - . , * , * 355
6. Theories on filial piety , , , * , , « * . . 357
7. The Great Learning * . * . * , . . « , 361
8^ The Doctrine of the Mean * , * , . , . . 369
9. The Evolutions of U . , . . . . . . . . 377
TABLE OF CONTENTS
IX
Chapter XV — The Appendices of the Book of Changes and the Cosmology of the Huai-nan-tyu
1. Origin of the Book of Changes and of its appendices 379
2. The Eight Trigrams and the Yin and Yang . . . . 382
3. Development and change of phenomenal things . . 387
4. The endless cycle of phenomenal change . . . . 388
5. The hexagrams and human affairs . . . . . . 390
6. The cosmology of the Huai-nan-t^u . 395
Chapter XVI — Confucian discussions on the Six Dis¬ ciplines, AND THE ULTIMATE TRIUMPH OF CONFUCIANISM
1. Confucian discussions on the Six Disciplines
2. Causes for the ultimate triumph of Confucianism . .
Appendix — Chronological Table of the Philosophers
Bibliography .
Index .
400
403
408
410
423
MAP
China under the Warring States
. . At end of Volume
TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE
Despite the fact that at the present time modern inventions are bringing the world into closer and closer physical relation, the truth remains that serious intellectual barriers still exist to prevent mutual understanding between nations and peoples. Now, as so often in the history of the world, the development of mental contacts lags behind that of physical ones, and this at a time when the very existence of these rapid methods of communication makes a sympathetic under¬ standing of other peoples all the more imperative.
Only too often it is still possible to find even notable western scholars making such statements as : “ The Dark Ages in Europe brought the world to its lowest cultural level,” quite oblivious to the fact that at that very period one of the most brilliant flowerings of human culture was taking place in China under the T’ang dynasty, and that the world’s first printed book was produced in that country in the ninth century. Too many of us in the West still possess the viewpoint described by the Chinese Taoist philosopher, Chuang Tzu, as that of the well-frog, who could see only the little circle of sky above his well, and imagined this to be the whole world. For too many of us the cultural heritage of Greece and Rome is still the world, at a time when comparative studies of other civilizations are more needed than ever before, not only for gaining an understanding of these alien cultures, but also for the understanding of our own culture, which to-day stands in serious need of an impartial evaluation.
It is for such reasons that the present translation is offered, in the hope that it will show to the West how a Chinese scholar, who has had the advantage of western training, views the philosophy of his own country. The book is a translation of the first volume of the two volume work, Chung-kuo Che-hsiieh Skih 4* @ IS & A (A History of Chinese Philosophy), by Dr. Fung Yu-lan % SI. Ph.D. of Columbia University, and at the present time Professor of Philosophy at the National Tsing Hua University, Peiping. This first volume covers what is perhaps the most brilliant period of Chinese philosophy, extending from its earliest beginnings down to about 100 B.C., when Confucianism became orthodox. Of all works written on the subject, this one is certainly the most complete, and in many ways, it is hoped, one of the best. The second volume of the Chinese edition, not yet translated, continues the history of Chinese philosophy from this point down to the present day.
It will be noticed that the author, to a large degree, uses the method of direct quotation from original sources. This makes of his
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
xii
work not only a valuable source-book of Chinese philosophy, but is ad¬ vantageous because it allows the ancient texts to speak for themselves, a feature of particular importance in a field like Chinese philosophy, in which many interpretations are often possible. In rendering these quoted texts into English, the translator has attempted to adhere as closely as possible to the original, and while making fiill use of existing translations in western languages, to which, for the sake of con¬ venience, references are made, he has rarely accepted them without making modifications of his own which he thought would render the translation more accurate.
When not translating original quotations, however, he has not hesitated here and there to make such minor changes as would, without disturbing the meaning, improve the English style. The somewhat long paragraphs of the Chinese original have sometimes been re¬ divided, and for the sake of the western reader he has occasionally made slight changes or additions (such as those of the reign dates that follow the names of rulers). He has also added a number of explanatory footnotes that are marked Tr. . Any major alterations, all of which have been made with the consent of the author, are indicated in the footnotes. Throughout his work, the translator has had the advantage of personal advice from the author, who has read the English manuscript and made corrections and suggestions.
Those acquainted with the original work will notice several points of difference in the translation. Thus the Historical Introduc¬ tion, the Chronological Table of the Philosophers, the Bibliography and the Index are not found in the original, and are additions of the translator. The map of China under the Warring States is also new. In the Bibliography will be found a list of all writings mentioned in the text, as well as the editions to which references are made. The Chinese characters of important names and terms (save those of the books listed in the Bibliography), appear in the Index. The reader who compares the English translation with the Chinese original will notice also that Chapter I of the English edition is only a partial translation of the corresponding chapter in the original. Portions of the original chapter have been combined to form one essay, which here serves as the author’s Introduction, whereas other portions which it was felt would be of less interest to westerners, have been omitted. The chronology followed, unless otherwise noted, has been that given in Mathias Tchang’s Synchronisms chinois .
In conclusion, the translator is happy to give his hearty thanks to Dr. Fung Yu-lan, who read the manuscript and carefully checked it with the original, thus helping to make this work possible. To Mr. Henri Vetch, his publisher, he is deeply grateful for a great deal of valuable advice and criticism. To his many predecessors in the field of Chinese translation, beginning with Legge, he is under a
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE
nil
great debt* a.* well as to such men as Mr, Arthur ProbsthaJn, who through his many publications of translations of Chinese philosophy, has done more than almost any other man to make this little known field of human thought accessible to rhe western world. To the staff of the National Library of Pd ping he is greatly indebted for the obtaining of biographical information concerning certain modern Chinese scholars, for inclusion in the Bibliography Others who have read die manuscript and to whom thanks are due, include the translator's mother and his wife.
DERK BODDE
Peiping* China, May 18, 1937*
Notice
This volume was first published in Chinese by the Sheet Chou # ffl Publishing Co,* Shanghai, 1931, In 1934 itB together with Vol. IT* was re-issued by the Commercial Press, Shanghai, to whom think* axe due for permission EO publish ihe English edition P
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
By the Translator
For those unfamiliar with Chinese history, a brief outline of the period covered in this volume may be helpful. Traditionally, Chinee history commences in very early times with the Five Emperors : Fu Hsi, Shen Nung or the Divine Farmer, Huang-ti or the Yellow Emperor, Shao Hao and Chuan Hsii. These semi-divine beings were followed, according to tradition, by Yao, the first really human ruler (supposed to have reigned 2357-2256 B.C.). Yao was succeeded upon his death, not by his son, who was considered ‘ unworthy ’ to receive the empire, but by Shun (2255-2206), who had already been Yao’s minister. During Shun’s reign China was troubled by a terrible flood, conquered only after nine years through the heroic efforts of the Great Yu, who constructed dikes and made waterways. Yu became emperor after Shun’s death, and founded the first Chinese dynasty of Hsia. With him, too, the Empire became hereditary, the throne passing after his death to his son.'
Gradually, however, the Hsia dynasty fell into decay, reaching its lowest depths with its tyrannical last ruler, Chieh (1818-1766 b.c.), who is supposed to have engaged in the most abandoned debauches in a park containing, among other things, a lake of wine. A revolt broke out and Chieh was overthrown by a new hero, T’ang, who founded the Shang, also known as the Yin, dynasty (1766-1123 b.c.). This dynasty later also slowly declined, and its last ruler, Chou (1154-1123), is said to have rivalled Chieh in cruelty and debauchery.
Meanwhile, the small state of Chou (not to be confused with the name of the ruler Chou, just mentioned), had been gaining power in western China under its ruler. King Wen (1184-1157). King Wen was followed by King Wu (1156-1116), who revolted against the tyrant, Chou, overcame him, and so founded the Chou dynasty (1122-256 b.c.), the longest in Chinese history. After his death the work of consolidating the empire was greatly furthered by his brother, the Duke of Chou, who acted as regent during the early years of the young succeeding king.
Such is the traditional account of early Chinese history'. Yet actually, the first authentic date in China is that on which an eclipse of the sun occurred in 776 b.c., and which is recorded in one of the
1 Yu has sometimes been criticized in later times for this foe t. Cf. pp. 115-116, where the traditional account of Yao, Shun and Y Q is given.
xvi
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
earliest classics, the Shift C.fting or Book of Otlts (II, tv, Ode 9). AH chronology prior to this date is questionable. Through archxology, however, and the deciphering of the archaic inscriptions scratched " upon bone or tortoise shell by the Shang people for divination purposes, wc are now learning more and more about the Shang dynasty.1 We know, for example, that the list of Shang kings as traditionally given is correct, although their exact dates cannot vet be determined ; and gradually we arc realizing that many features of Chinese civilization that were formerly supposed to have originated in the Chou dynasty, actually go back to the Shang.
Pot the ages preceding the Shang dynasty, even archeology does not help us very greatly, and die actual existence of Such figures as Yao, Shun, Yu, etc., is highly problematical. Several of them, and the Five Emperors preceding them, are probably culture heroes. Thus Fu Hsi is supposed to have invented nets and traps for hunting and fishing ; the Divine Farmer, Shcn Nung, to have invented die plough ; and Huang-ti or the Yellow Emperor, to have invented wheeled vehicles, hoats, etc.. Mythical though these heroes may be, however, a knowledge of them is highly important to the reader of ancient Chinese philosophy, because of the fre¬ quency with which they are referred to in philosophical writings. Thus Yao and Shun, together with T'ang, founder of the Shang dynasty, and Kings Wen and Wu and the Duke of Chou of the early Chou dynasty, arc the sages and heroes pdf txsiiientt of the Gmfuckus, who always speak of them when referring to the golden age of antiquity. The wicked tyrants Chich and Chou, last rulers of the Hsia and Shang dynasties, arc often opposed to them. Yu, the conqueror of China’s great flood, and founder of the Hsi a dynasty, while also well spoken of by the Confocians, is the particular hern of the Molds l school established by Mo TzO. And Huang-ti or the Yellow Emperor was adopted, if not invented, hy the Taoist school as its patron.'
Our knowledge of Chinese history prior to the sun eclipse oi 776 B.c, Is thus rather uncertain, whereas following that date, the historical records become increasingly rich and reliable. When the Chou dynasty came into power, it elaborated a feudal system that was analogous in many ways to feudalism in Europe, being composed of a large number of feudal states, all of them of comparatively small size.* * These were supposed to render homage to the House of Qiou, whose capital was situated near the present city of Sian m Shensi. We must remember that the China of that time was very small, and was largely confined 10 the north China plain and the Yellow river basin.
1 Fur iliii mcihcJ of divination, ef, pp. £7-28 anJ 379-380.
* For the relations of these srmi-mydiical liiptet Willi lot eitiauj pUICMOpluc
mboo5&F r/T p, 2ft,l
* F&r i t cad i i Lena 3 aEcuunt uf firutliJ lyncm, ^Fr pp- □ sJ f- a l Lp^
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
xvu
Far a while this system s eems to have operated reasonably well, bat before long the Chou dynasty* like its predecessors, began to deteriorate, and in 771 the capital was sacked during a sudden attack of barbarians from the west, the king was killed, and the seat of government moved to what is texiay Laying* in Honan. The Chou rulers never recovered from tills blow, and during the centuries that followed they became more and more helpless, until they were nothing more than figure-heads.
The period from 722 to 481 b.c. is generally known as rhe Cfrun Ch'iii period, a term derived from the CFsmCh'sfi or ‘Spring and Autumn Annals/ an historical chronicle of the state of Lu daring these years. During this rime more and more power was usurped from the House of Chou by the feudal lords, who became completely independent, and several of whom assumed the title of * 1 king*. An attempt St preserving order was made by establishing the Institution of Pa or feudal Leader. This was a title assumed at various times by whoever happened to be the mast powerful feudal lord at the rime, and who had the power to convoke the other lords to assemblies, and to discharge many of the functions formerly performed by the Chou kings* ^Thc first of these Pa was Duke Huan of Ch'i (685-643),'
Despite these efforts at maintaining rhe status qm7 ir was evident that the feudal system, and with it the old institutions and ways of life, were changing under the impact of many new and irrepressible social and economic forces. The use of iron, which seems to have become fairly general in China about 600 a.c., may have been one of these forces/ Many feudal states were swallowed up by the few more powerful onesp who were ever extending their territories through constant warfare. It was an age of uncertainty and ol ex¬ pansion, both geographically and intellectually* The confines of what was known as China became greatly increased with the rise to power of a state like the semi-barbaric ChJu in the south, which came to occupy much of present Honan, Hupeh and AnhueL In this age of unrest there began, toward the end of the Ch'un Ch*iu period, the Period of the Philosophers, as it is called in tills book, a period inaugurated by Confucius (551-479), and largely coincident in time with what in political history is known as the period of the Warring States*
This Warring States period, which followed the Ch’un Ch'iu period, began in 403 b.c,, when the state of Chin split up into the three states oi Han, Wet and Chao, and ended in 221 B.c. with rhe complete unification of all China* AU the social and economic movements that had begun during the preceding age acted throughout this period with ever increasing violence. Thus many of the former
1 For the names vf tbs other four P* traditionally thtaJ, if jk t S2.
i Per jui account oF choc mowmiott during the Ofun Ufiu period. *nd during tijr age that fbllutfted, sw 2.
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
Tmii
feudal aristocracies lost rheir power* while the peasants, who had been the virtual serfs uf their overlords, gained independence. Terrific and continuous wars were waged between the seven large states that still remained on the stage, striving for supremacy. At the same time the age was one of philosophical activity such as has perhaps been unparalleled elsewhere in the world* save in classical Greece. Literally thousands of scholars, belonging co every school of thought, travelled about from state to state offering their services to the different rulers.
Finally , this political and intellectual anarchy was brought to an end by Ch^in, a barbaric state occupying much of present Kansu and Shensi. This state had never contributed a scholar of importance, but by ruthless rgethods, and the skilful utilization of astute advisors recruited from other parts, it succeeded, from its strategic position in the west, in making enormous increases in its territory, In 256 b.c. it put an end tn the long impotent House of Chou, thus extinguishing the Chou dynasty and establishing the Ch*in dynasty in ics place ; and in 221 B.c, its great ruler, Qfin Shih-huang-ti, conquered the last of the feudal states, and so unified China, actually for die first time in history. Feudalism was abolished, and replaced by a central government with a system of provincial admlni&tra cion essentially the same as the provincial system used to-day*
Despite these good measures* Ch’in Shih-huang has gained the undying hatred of later Chinese because of his notorious decree of 213 ordering the burning and destruction of most books
throughout the empire. This was the logical culmination of his attempt toward intellectual as well as geographical unification, and of making a complete break with the past. Though the importance of this Burning of the Books has probably been exaggerated, it nevertheless dealt a blow to the hitherto flourishing philosophical schools from which they never fully recovered.
The ruthless ness that had brought the Of in dynasty into being, however, also led to its speedy collapse. Rebellion broke out soon after Ch*in $hih-huang*s death in 21U, and lasted for several years until China was again unified in 20 6 by 2 man who, though of peasant origin, lose to become Emperor and to found the Han dynasty (206 b.c.-.vd. 220). This dynasty resembled in several respects rhe con¬ temporary Roman Empire in the West. It was an age of unifying and codification, which saw the beginnings of the Chinese examina¬ tion system and of many other social and political institutions that have existed since that time with only minor modifications almost down to the present day. Though the feudalism abolished by the QiYn dynasty was at first revived* it was later greatly restricted by the central government, so that never since then has ir played a part in China in any Way Comparable to that in the West.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
m
It is natural that with this political and social unification p the: tremendous philosophical activity of the preceding Feudal period, already seriously crippled by the Burning of the Books, should be still further curtailed Unlike the Grin dynasty, the Han dynasty fostered scholarship and was nest anti-cultural, but fox various reasons this scholarship was encouraged to move along specified lines dominantly Confudan, and the hnal triumph of Confucianism over the other schools was largely brought about by the Han rukr, Wu-ti (140-87 b.c.), at the suggestion of the noced Confucianism Tung Chungshu (179 M04? b.c.) 1
This does not mean that since then other forms of thought have not been important in China. Buddhism, introduced from India during the succeeding centuries, has been particularly influential. The fact remains, however, that Confucianism since that rime has usually been accepted as orthodox, at least by China's ruling and intellectual classes, even if it has no longer been the pure Confucian¬ ism of Confucius, but cue into which many other streams of thought have been assimilated- And with the supremacy of Con¬ fucianism, the various historical, poetical and philosophical texts used by Confucianism, most of them written during the Chou dynasty (though not put into final form until the Han), have played a dominant role in Chinese thought. These are now generally known as the Chinese Classics.
For this reason Chinese philosophy may he conveniently divided into two periods. One h that period beginning with Confucius, and lasting until about 100 dx.p when Confucianism gained acceptance as the offidaJ orthodoxy. This is termed in the present work the Period of the Philosophers. The other period extends from about 100 n.c. until recent rimes, and is termed the Period of Classical Study. It is the first of these two periods that is dealt with in the present volume.
1 Sec p. m.
REVISIONS AND ADDITIONS FOR THE SECOND EDITION
By the Translator
Save for the present added section, the text of this edition remains unchanged from that of the first edition as published by Henri Vetch in Peiping in 1937.
Were the translation to be prepared now, instead of fifteen years ago, there is little doubt that it could be improved in both style and accuracy, and that inconsistencies between it and the translation of Volume II, now being published for the first time, could be avoided. For example, Chinese words, which in Volume II are consistently romanized as yi, are thus romanized in the present volume only when occurring in the first syl¬ lable of proper names; otherwise they appear as i.
To retranslate the entire volume would, however, entail an effort and expense incommensurate with the resulting gains. Therefore, the present section has been prepared as a more feasible alternative. In it will be found not only corrections of typographical errors and errors in transla¬ tion or interpretation, but also suggestions for stylistic improvement and changes designed to ensure greater consistency with the second volume. Finally, it contains a fair amount of bibliographical and other informa¬ tion that is totally new, including a summary of Fung Yu-lan’s Supple¬ ment to a History of Chinese Philosophy.
I. General Comments
(1) Early references to yin and yang, the Five Elements, etc. (ch. 3) : Many scholars would be skeptical of the attempt here made to prove the early existence of these and other philosophical concepts on the basis of conversations quoted from such works as the Tso Chuan and Kuo Yu. Though the events described in these works are probably for the most part historical, their recorded conversations probably contain many lit¬ erary embroideries, especially when referring to concepts which, to judge from other works, became generally current only in later times. The same caution applies to the ostensibly early references to the trigrams and hexagrams of the I Ching, as cited on pp. 380-383, though less forcibly, since the original corpus of that work itself dates back to the beginning of the Chou dynasty.
(2) Life of Confucius (p. 43): What is here given is the traditional account, which is probably not accurate on all points, especially when it says that Confucius became Prime Minister of Lu. Cf. H. G. Creel, Con¬ fucius, the Man and the Myth (New York: John Day, 1949), ch. 4, esp. pp. 37 ff.
(3) Confucius and the Rectification of Names (pp. 59-62) : This doc-
sxii REVISIONS AND ADDITIONS
trine, though attributed to Confucius in the Lun Yk> is believed by many scholars to be a later Confucian elaboration. Cf. Creel, op. cit „ pp. 221. 521-322.
(4) Confucius and the / Ching (pp. 65, 381, 400): Here again many scholars doubt that llontucius himselt had any particular connection with this work, though it became closely associated with Confucianism in later tsmei- (Jf. Creel, up. cit., pp, 103- 106.
(5) Mencius and the so-called “Right of Revolution" (eh, 6, sect. 5, esp. pp, 113, 117) : This famous doctrine is not explicitly named here or described with the clarity that other scholars might think it deserves. Baldly stared, Mencius theory seems to have been that a sovereign is confirmed in his rule by receiving from Heaven its Mandate nr Decree {.Ming) ; that should he rule badly, however, he then forfeits this Man¬ date; and that it thereupon becomes legitimate for the people to revolt and establish another ruler tn his plate, m whom Heaven then transfers iw Mandate. Cl. the Mcndut, It, 6 „nd 8; Va, 5-6; Vb, 9; Vila, 31, This theory has had important practical results in later Chinese political history.
(6) Dating and identification of Lao Tku (pp. 170-172): Sec also the articles by H. II. Dubs in Journal of the American Oriental Society. Vols. 61 (1941), 215-224, and 62 (1942), 300-304; also by D. Bodde in
Vols. 62 (1942), 8-13, and 64 (1944), 24-27. According to Dubs, Lao Tzus son, T sung (mentioned in the Sfuh Chi quotation cited on p, 171 as having been enfeoffed at Tuan-kan), is to be equated with a Tuan kan Chung who is memionrd in another text under the year 273 b.c. This would mean that Lao Tzu himself lived around the year 300 k.c, or somewhat earlier,
(7) Confucian political philosophy as representing the point of view of the people (p, 312, first sentence): This statement seemingly conflicts with the obvious aristocratic bias of early Confucianism. What Professor Fung undoubtedly means is that Confucianism, though intended pri¬ marily as a way of life for the ruling class, has nevertheless always defined good government as one that serves the needs of the people as a whole, and not merely those of the ruler-
II. Terms
Chii tzu, "Leader" (pp. 76, 82. 195, 246, 248), more literally means “Great Master."
Ch’un Ch'iu period (p. xvii and passim) = Spring and Autumn period. Emperor and empire (pp. 39, 96-97, and passim) arc respectively rendi¬ tions of TV™ Tz&. "Son of Heaven," and Tien hsiu, “all under Heaven " Politically speaking, they arc anachronistic for periods prior tr. the creation of the first genuine Chinese emperor and empire in 221 &.c. Ideologically speaking, however, the belief was already preva¬ lent before this time that the Chinese sovereign, in theory at least.
xxm
REVISIONS AND ADDITIONS
was ruler of the entire civilized world. This concept, in fact, is implied by the very term Tien hsta. Cf. Tjan Tjoe-som, “On the Rendering of the Word Ti as ‘Emperor,’” Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 71 (1951), 115-121.
Fu-yung=“ attached territory” (p. 110).
Hi to fan chih ch’i , “moving force” (p. 131), is a mistake for hao Vn jan chih ch’i, “all-embracing force.” This serious error occurred because of the graphic similarity between the characters huo and hao.
Jen, “human-heartedness" (pp. 69 f. and passim), also translated as benev¬ olence, love, perfect virtue, etc., is in Vol. II almost always translated as “love,” for reasons indicated in the Preface of that volume.
Mao ts'ai and hsiao lien (p. 17) respectively mean “abundantly talented” and “filial and incorruptible.”
Pa, “feudal Leader” (pp. xvii, xxxvi, 112, 299-300, 312), is in Vol. II trans¬ lated as “Lord-Protector” or “Tyrant” (in the ancient Greek sense).
Period of Classical Study (p. xix) or Period of Study of the Classics (pp. 17, 403) are renditions of a term which in Vol. II is translated as Period of Classical Learning.
Po shih, “scholars of wide learning” (pp. 15-16, 404), is in Vol. II trans¬ lated as “erudits.”
San t’ung, “Three Systems” (p. 27), is in Vol. II translated as “Three Sequences.”
Scholar (pp. 52, 54, 109-110, 335) is not a good translation for shih, which in Chou feudal times was a general term for the lesser members of the ruling aristocracy, especially those trained for specific official po¬ sitions. Thus there were at that time military shih as well as civil shih, and it was only in post-feudal times that the word came to be primarily applied to men of letters.
Tai chi, “Great Ultimate” (p. 384), is in Vol. II translated as “Supreme Ultimate.”
Wu wei, “non-activity” (p. 186 and passim), does not really mean the complete absence of all activity, but only of such as is forced, artificial, and unspontaneous. Hence another possible rendition for the term is “non-assertion.”
III. Bibliography
Unless otherwise indicated, the entries in this section are arranged according
to their sequence in the Bibliography of this volume, pp. 410-422.
(1) Corrections and Additions Sect, la (pp. 410416):
l Ching: Legge’s 1899 translation is the 2nd edition. For a new English version of the German translation by Richard Wilhelm, see Bibliogra¬ phy of Vol. II.
XXIV
REVISIONS AND ADDITIONS
Kung-sun Lung-tzu : Full reference for Forke’s translation is vol. 34
(1901-02), pp. 1-100.
Li Yiin: Full reference for Legge’s translation is Vol. 27, pp. 364-393.
Lieh-tzu: Full title of the Giles translation is Taoist Teachings from the Boof( of Lieh Tzu.
Lun Heng : Full reference for Alfred Forke’s translation is Lun-Heng, 2 vols. (London: Luzac & Co., 1907; Berlin: Georg Reimer, 1911).
Lun Yu : Add translation of Arthur Waley, The Analects of Confucius (London: Allen & Unwin, 1938).
Mencius: Correct “six books” to “seven books.”
Shih Ching: Add translation of Arthur Waley, The Boot^ of Songs (Lon¬ don: Allen & Unwin, 1937).
Shu Ching: Legge’s 1899 translation is the 2nd edition. For “first millen¬ nium b.c.” read “beginning of the first millennium b.c.” For a new English translation by Bernhard Karlgren, see Bibliography of Vol. II under Shu Ching.
Ta Hsiieh : Full reference for Legge’s translation is Vol. 28, pp. 411-424. For the new translation by E. R. Hughes of this and the Chung Yung (listed earlier on p. 411), see Bibliography of Vol. II.
Yiieh Ling: Full reference for Legge’s translation is Vol. 27 (not 17) pp. 249-310.
Sect, lb (pp. 416-418):
Han-fei-tzu: Add translation of chs. 1-30 by W. K. Liao, The Complete Worlds of Han Fei Tzu, a Classic of Chinese Legalism (London: Probsthain, 1939), Vol. 1 (only vol. published). The very important ch. 49 has been separately translated by Liao as “Five Vermin” in Tien Hsta Monthly , Shanghai, Vol. 10 (1940), pp. 179-1%, and the similarly important ch. 50 as “Learned Celebrities” in Harvard journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 3 (1938), pp. 161-171.
K'ung-tzu Chia-yii: Add translation of sects. 1-10 (chiian 1-2) by R. P. Kramers, K’ung Tzu Chia Yii, the School Sayings of Confucius (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1950). Dr. Kramers believes that the work in its present form was compiled in the third century a.d., though it in¬ corporates earlier materials.
Kung-yang Chuan: If the author, as reputed, was actually a disciple of T zu-hsia (himself a disciple of Confucius), this would date his work earlier than the beginning of the Han dynasty.
Li Chi of Elder Tai: Add translation of Richard Wilhelm, Li Gi, das Bitch der Sitte des dlteren und jiingeren Dai (Jena: E Diederichs 1930). ’
Sect, lib (pp. 419A22):
Ch e Y ii-feng, Lu Chat Chi. The character for Chai is a misprint for^jj§\ The same misprint occurs on p. 422 under Wang Po.
revisions .wn additions
K31 V
Km Sht} j Pfffl (died on p. 421 under Fung Yu-hm, Ku Chirh-kang, and Lin Cinch, mid un p. 422 undt:r Yii YtMg-liang) : Published in Peiping as folk ms; Vok ]+ 1926; £ 1930; 3, 1431; 4, 1933; 5, 1933.
Hsia Tseng-yu : Add 3 veta, 1904+ Republished as Chtwg-jyto Ku-hu Shih of Ancient China),, Shanghai ; Commercial Press, 1933.
Hu Sliih, Chstng-^iiii Chc-hsiich Shih Ta-t^ing: Add Shanghai : Commer¬ cial Preas* hr ed„ 1919 (many bter edtiion$)+
Hui Tung: Hsu Chitig Chieh is an abbreviation for Huang-Ch ing Chmg-chich Hsu-picnt on which see Bibliography of Vol. 11 under Po Mu TUng.
Liu Jtt-lin: Add Peiping, 1929, Correct page reference is 171, not 17Z Tni Tung yuan; For edition used, see Bibliography of Vol, IL The quo¬ tation cited on p. 2S7 of the present volume is from churn 2. p. 91 of that edit ton,
Wang Fu; Correct Chien Fu Lun to Ch*ien Fit Lun.
Wang Ming-sheng: The fourth character of the title, inadvertently omitted}, should be^
(2} English Titles
All titIcs of Chinese works died in Vd. [I have been translated into English, whereas this practice has been followed only in port in the pmtm volume. The following art English equivalents for some ( not alt) ut the remaining un¬ translated lilies:
Sect, lu (pp. 410*416):
1-wen Chifi- Treatise on Literature L i Sao— Encountering Sorrow
Lu-shih Ch'un Chiu = Spring and Autumn of Mr. Lii Lun Hfiag=i Critical Essays
Sect, lb (pp+ 4tf>4}8):
Chfu Tz'A; Yu jFw = The Fisherman; Yuan Yif=. The Distant Wandering Ch'un-chlu F&n-ht= Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals K'ung'txu Chia-yu = The School Sayings of Confucius [not '"Sayings of the Cnnfucian School" [
Skito-tvcn Chizh 4zu — Explanation of Script and Elucidation of Characters Shuo Yuan — Park of Discourses
Sec L HP (pp. 419-422}
Ch’en Chung-fan+ Chu-tzii Tung-i — A General Survey ot t lie Philosophers Cheng Fu-hstii, Mcngrtzfi Nicn p w - A Chronologic d Biography of Mencius
Ch eng Yuan-ping, Nati-hku Chcn-chmg Chu-su-z Comment ary on rhe Cftudrtg-tzu
Chia 1, Lun Shih Cheng Su = A Memorial on Timeliness in Government
XXV!
REVISIONS AND ADDITIONS
Chiao Hsiin, Lun-yii Pu-su- A Supplementary Commentary on the Analects
Chiao Hsiin, Meng-tzu Cheng-i = Correct Meaning of the Mencius Chu Hsi, Meng-tzu Chi-chu = Collected Commentaries on the Mencius Huang Pai-chia, Sung Yuan Hsueh-an = Writings of Sung and Yuan Philosophers. [Pai-chia’s father, Huang Tsung-hsi, was the main com¬ piler of this work, and it is under Huang Tsung-hsi that it is listed in the Bibliography of Vol. II. j
Kang Yu-wei, Hsin-hsiieh Weighing K'ao = Study of the Classics Forged During the Hsin Period
Kao Heng, Lao-tzu C hen g-l(u = Correct Commentary on the Lao-tzu Ku Chieh-kang, Ku Shih Pien = A Symposium on Ancient Chinese History Ku Yen-wu, ]ih Chih Lu = Daily Record of Knowledge Liu Chieh, Hung Fan Su-cheng= Survey of the Grand Norm Ma Hsii-lun, Chuang-tzii Nien-piao = Chronology of Chuang Tzu Ou-yang Hsiu, I Tung Tzu Wen = Questions by Young People on the Changes
Sun I-jang, Mo-tzu Hou-yii = Further Remarks on the Mo-tzi*
Tai Tung-yiian, Meng-tzii Tzu-i Su-cheng = General Survey of the Mean¬ ing of the Mencius
Teng Kao-ching, Mo Ching Hsin-shih = A New Interpretation of the Mohist Canons
Ts’ui Shih, Shih-chi Tan-yuan = Investigation of the Origins of the Historical Records
Wang Chung, Hsiin-tzu Nien-piao = Chronology of Hsiin Tzu Wang Chung, Lao-tzu Kao-i — Study of Variants in the Lao-tzu Wang Kuo-wei, Han Wei Po-shih K’ao = Study of the Erudits of the Han and Wei Dynasties
In addition to the foregoing, the following are the translations of a few other Chinese titles not listed in the Bibliography, but mentioned elsewhere in the text:
p. 44: Tuan = Decisions; Hsi = Hsi Tzii = The Great Appendix; Hsiang = Images; Shuo Kua = Discussion of the Trigrams; Wen Yen = Words of the Text.
pp. 161, 169: Chu Yun (for which read Chu Yiin) = Dominant Cycles p. 228: Chiu SAao = The Nine Chants; Hsien Ch’ih = The Hsien Pool, p. 320: Ku Fen = Solitary Indignation; Wu Tw = The Five Vermin; Nei Wai Chu Shuo = Inner and Outer Congeries of Sayings; Shuo Lin = Collected Persuasions; Shuo Nan = Difficulties in the Way of Persuasion.
IV. Proper Names and Dates
In accordance with common Chinese practice, a few persons are referred to in this volume by their “style,” instead of by personal name. The following
REVISIONS ANTI ADDITIONS xicvii
Iki giv« them their correct persona) names Utter the equation signs), ami also corrects nisspel lings of other names:
An, prince of Chiao-hsi — Ane, prince o( Chiao-hsi (p, 171)
Che Yu-feng = Ch> Jo-shui (pp. 368, 419) \
Chi Tiacj±sQi'i-ttno (p. 150, twice)
Hsieli Hsi-shen = Hsieh Chiangj|j» (p. 208)
Kuan 1 Wu (p. 50) = Kuan Chung (cf. p. 19, etc.)
Lu Uui-ch’iiig=Lti Hui-ch'ing (p. 180)
Meng Chang =Mcng-ch'ang (p. 314)
Tai If ting-yuan = Tai Cheii^(pp* 287, 421) _
Wang Yang-mmg = Wang Shtm-fcn -f— (pp. 2, 4-5, 72, 281, 363)
The Chinese characters for two nanici (not listed m the I rides,) have been omitted:
Chiang Mem )X 3? (p. 225, note 1) Ls 1 ^ ^ (p. 219)
The following titles of rulers and legendary culture heroes (for which see the Index) could, for the sake of greater clarity, be consistently translated as fallows;
Fn Hsi = Subduer of Animals (pp. xv-xvi, xxwi, 317, 379)
Shcn Nung = the Divine Farmer or Divine Hushandman (pp, xv-xvi, xxxvi, 138, and passim)
Huang-ti = the Yellnw Emperor (pp. xv, xxxvi, 138, and passim)
Ch'm Shili -huang-ti = the First Sovereign Emperor of Ch'in, or simply the First Emperor (pp. xviii, 10, 13, and passim)
Wcn-ii= Emperor Wen (pp. 16, 171, 174)
Wu-ii ^ F-mperor Wu (pp. xix, 17-18, 403405)
Some names, such as Ch'un Shen, Hsin Ling, Tjtu Hsia, Tzu Kung, Tr.il Ssu, etc., tvuultl be better hyphenated as Ch'un-shcn, H sin-ling, Tzu-hsia, Tzu-kung, Tzu-sxu, etc.
The dates of a lew persons, given incorrectly or imprecisely in die test, are corrected in the following table:
Hsieli Hvi-shen (r.c„ Hsich Chiang, see above) =995-1039 (p. 208) Huang Pai-ehia — born 1643 (pp. 294, 420)
Kuo Hsiang -died a.d, 312 (pp. 198-199, 226, 236, 240, 242)
Liu Hsiang = 79-8 bjc. (pp. 150, 412, 418)
Liu Hxiu-ca. 46 Bjc.-a.d, 23 (pp. 16, 21. 4|2)
Lu Chiu-yuan = 11 39-93 (pp. 72, 281, .36.3)
Teng H*i = died 501 it.c, (p, 194)
Wang Ch'ung^- S.b. 27-ca, 100 (pp, H7, 213)
Wang M a ng = usurped the throne ,t.u. 9-23 (p. 19)
Wang Yang-mi ng (i.e., Wang Shuu-jcn, see above) = 1472-1529 (pp, 2, 4-5, 72, 281, .363)
KXVUL
REVISIONS AND ADDITIONS
TKr following table slightly corrects the chronology of a few dynasties in accordant with the dares used in Volt II:
Former Han = 206 hAshJL 24 {p« 280)
Chin = 265 419 (pp, 1K 6, 19, 133, 219, 244)
Ming ^ 1368 1643 (pp. 1. 244)
Chlng^ 1644 1911 (pp. lf 76)
Rather than speak nf 776 h.c. ns the firs t authentic date in Chinese his tory ( p|J- nv-xvis xsxvi), it would be better rn say thne nil systems of chronology u^rec jIlct 841 u.u.
V. Other Revisions and Additions
L or Is, -line or lines; n.=r note; pa ra.= paragraph; set*,— section; boL.— huTtoni, 3 'or rs rim pic, but, 1, 3— third line from bottom ol page (not counting footnotes). Items prefixed by asterisk > arc those lor which die corrections are factually important.
p. 3P hot, 1. 7 : have we mentioned = we have mentioned
p- 4t para. I, but. I. 4: than nf the West = than that nf the West
15, middle: bonks of poetry of Oder [Le^ the Shi A Cking\\
books of history -Boq^ of History [Le.p the Shu Ching]
*P< 17p middle: the Marquis Wei Chni and Wu An = the Marquises of Wci'ch't and of Wu an p. ]% sect. 5n 1, 5: cririchj = critical p. 29, hot. 1. 10: Wu Nii = Wu Nii p* 42, but 1, 5: historians = officials p. 47p L 3: common people = people in general
p. 49, hot. Is. 14 13: for bringing culture to large masses of people -who popularized Them
p. 53, hoi. t. 13: whether certain three disciples- whether a certain three disciples
*p. 54, Is. 54j: Since Heaven is nut yet ready to destroy this cause of truth = Since Heaven has not ycL destroyed this culture [Cf. ppB 5GT 58, where the same passage is quoted.) p. 5S, hoi. 1. 4: on th - on the
ppH til, bclnw, and 62, above: Cheng ^ Ch eng; T&o fcFxi _ TW Wu [three occurrences of each] p. 69, n. 2: Lucius = Lucius p, 72p 1. 17: owi I selves = own selves p. 74, middle para., 1. 1: it self ^itself
p. 78, hot. k 7: were not descended from the House of Chou = were descended from the Hsia p. &5P bot- 1* 3: common people = people p. ^ L 12: she^se
p. 91T Is. 14-15: A Itcrnativdy = alternately
REVISIONS AND ADDITIONS
XXIX
#p. 114, 1. 11: Ila = Ilia
*P- 119, sect. 4, Is. 3-4: But why should such a government function? How is it possible? = But how ought such a government to function? How is it possible for it to do so?
*p. 120, 1. 17: lb, 6=Ib, 5 p. 121, 1. 13: or of a spring = or a spring p. 129, bot. 1. 19: passes through = passes p. 146, Is. 21-22: delete “and is subjective, or internal.” p. 146, bot. 1. 13: ch'ang = chang
#p. 162, middle: each one follows that one which it cannot overcome = each one follows that one by which it cannot be overcome p. 163, bot. Is. 6-5 and 2: crooked and straight = crooked or straight p. 170, bot. 1. 5: (school of) = (schools of) p. 174, bot. Is. 2-1: the dynasty = a dynasty p. 176, bot. 1. 13: the the people = the people p. 177, bot. 1. 9: appelation = appellation
#p. 178, para. 4, Is. 4-5: Of the invariable Non-being, we wish to see its secret essences. Of the invariable Being, = Therefore through the in¬ variable Non-being, we wish to see its {Taos) secret essences. Through the invariable Being,
#p. 181, bot. 1.9: (ch. 74) = (ch. 79)
#p. 186, bot. 1. 11 : (ch. 39) = (ch. 75) p. 199, 1. 18: speak of ocean = speak of the ocean p. 215, n. 2: Chen-shing = Chen-ching
#p. 223, sect. 2, Is. 7-9: How can it be so low ? = Where can it be lower than this?; How can it be still lower = Where can it be still lower?; How can it be even lower ? = And where even lower? p. 231, para. 2, bot. 1. 3: would all be unable = are all unable p. 237, Is. 8-9: child and a mature man = child or a mature man #p. 241, bot. 1. 4: ‘I have abandoned my body,’ said Yen Hui, ‘and dis¬ carded = ‘My limbs are nerveless and my intelligence is dimmed,’ said Yen Hui. ‘I have abandoned my body and discarded #p. 246, Is. 5-6: The words translated “the Five Princes” are quite pos¬ sibly a proper name, in which case the phrase, “followers of the Five Princes,” should be translated “followers of Wu Hou”
•p. 250, Is. 6-7: is beneficial = is for what is beneficial; is harmful = is for what is harmful
p. 252, 1. 4: the qualities = all the qualities
•p. 256, bot. 1. 16: are each separate kinds, and can respond = are the same in that they can respond
p. 259, middle: comparison (pi) = comparison (p'i)
#p. 263, Is. 14, 17-18, 24-25, and bot. 1. 4; also p. 264, bot. 1. 17: part and whole relationship = corporeal relationship p. 267, 1. 9: arc *multiplc=arc a ‘multiple
X>SX
REVISIONS AND ADDITIONS
•p. 273, Is. 19-21: Hup and Tsang are nm proper names, bui mean bonds- man" and "bondswoman" (i,e., malt and female slave) respectively. Hence the text should read: “A bondsman (h»o) is a man. To luve a bondsman is to love a man. A bondswoman (ttimg) is a man (*■*-, a person). To love a bondswoman is lu love a man, etc. __
■p, 279. Is. 13-14: Hsiin Ch'ing lost his Lan-ling position = H«un Ch mg lost his position, whereupon ht remained a resident of Lan- ing p. 283, bot, Is. 5-4: nature of a thousand = natures of a thousand; begin¬ ning of Heaven = beginnings of Heaven n. 285. 1. 19: and to desire = and yet to desire
p. 287, middle para., and l. 1 of next para.: man un the streets man m
p. 291, hoi 1. of middle para.: What docs not allow that to harm this = What dues not allow one thing to harm another *P 294. middle: erect* artificialities, like a boat that cuts through the water recreates artificialities, just as a boat creates waves through its movement.
p. 2%, bot. 1. 3: Because = In the fact that
i). 308, lower para.. Is. 1-2: Propositions are that which combine tnr names of several actualities m order to express one idea= Propositions are the combination of names of different actualities wherewith to dis¬ cuss one idea |Cf. middle of same page, where this is quoted.]
•p, 313, hen, 1.4 : 543 n.c, = 536 b,c.
*p, 314, n. 1 : pp. 558 and 732= pp. 609 and 732 p. 315, Is. 12-H; discrimination = particularism |lwo occurrences] p. Jlfi, sed. 2. 1. 3: changes to the old orders changes in the old order p. 331. 1. 6: is concerned in something he is especially proficient in = has that in which he is especially proficient n, 331, bot. I. 14: free and spontaneous = self
p. 332, boc. Is. H-13: manifestation of rewards = manifestations of rewards [i. 338, bot. I. 16: not coming up tna falling short p. 339, bot. 1. 13: differentiated = distinguished p. 341, S. 5: Because they ^ Because these
p. 341, 1. 15: feel resentment and revolt = arc resentful and rebellious m. 354. 1*. 7-8: with a benignity = benignly p. 360, bot. I. 2 Institute filial piety = ' “Institute filial piety p. 361, n. 1J, 1: scnuree = source
p 3*2, bot. Is, 16-15: became complete - - ■ being complete = became ex¬ tended _ being exrendcd
P_ 3*3( par3. 1, boL I. 2: that later scholars - than later scholars p. 364, middle: without knowing to stop = without knowing where to stop
p, 364, bot. Is. 4-3, and p. 365, Is. 3 and 20: empire = the world [four oc¬ currences]
REVISIONS AND ADDITIONS
XKXI
pT 368, L Hi not confused =x unconf used p, 378h hot. I. 1 : Delete ''iind Sun Yataen" p, 379, hoc. 1,6' io substitute = lu substitute fur •p, 382^ bor 1, If): w*H*d and rain = wood and wind p. 391, bor. I. If): offer mankind with ways -offer mankind ways p. 391, but. L 17: He also point* out=He further points out p. 392, middle: he will be as safe if bound co a==?be will be as safe as if [jound to a
*p. 397, para. 3: therefore fire is bright externally . * , therefore water is bright internally = therefore the fire of the sun is bright externally . . . therefore the water of the moon is bright inter nnlly •p, 39 7, para. 4: Hence the furred and feathered classes of creatures* and thotse that fly and walk* pertain to yang; while the armored, scaled and hibernating classes of creatures pertain to yin = The furred and feathered classes of creatures arc those that fly and walk, and there¬ fore pertain to yung\ while the armored and sealed creatures arc chose that hibernate, anti therefore pertain to yin p. 405, S. 15: Gh’tin Cl/ui = Cbhm Chiu
p. 440,2nd column, nexMo-hbL entry: unbending mind = unbearing mind p, 450, entry under TV* 1. 2 : 226 = 227
p, 453t entry under “war, opposition to, of Mencius'1: 195-95 6, 195 pH 455: the first character in yfi thing 15 incorrect (cE pr 262); the charac¬ ter for yuan (analogy) is incorrect (see under analogy)
VL FUNG YU LAN'S SUPPLEMENT TO A HISTORY OF CHINESE PHILOSOPHY 1
This Supplement is a reprint of several articles, some of which it may be useful to summarize here. Two are in English/ the remainder in Chinese. Among the latter, that entitled ‘The Philosophy of History of the Chin and Han Dynasties" deals with the theories of history asso¬ ciated with the Five Element Three Sequences, and Three Ages/
All three of these theories, the anchor points out, agree on the following points; (1) History is hoc static, bin ever moves through a determined sequence of epochs or phases. (2) This movement docs not imply divine purpose, but is the result of non-spiritual forces. (3) The changes gen- cm red by if Ho nor occur in piecemeal fashion, but are Integra red; ihar is to say* they affecr rite institutions of each successive epoch in their totality. (4) History h always right; that is to say, the institutions of each epoch
1 CAtaftf-Jflo Cht-h/sith t't* (ShinpthJL: Omnia™! l]re^, The fdWiAft
iti'jrum-nn will lie mi nr nmmi^ful if rrjil jitcr the rejdlnj; «jf the ni.un ItvLl uf thu vulmne,
■ A brief paper. "Philartphy in Onuempnrary Chirm" fonjiiullv reart before the Fjghlh fliihKrrw nf Inin hJiHijiJil fMliisupby, Prapje. -mil the krfinfej "Why Chin* Nw
Science" (originally pubfnbcd in fn/miar/W fvurnal Eihir jh Vol 32* ws, 3, April. I?22). -1 Her e r-.| mi nrly rhe prewrnt volume, pp. 159 If., iftd Wil CL chap, 2h udL II I?..
xxxii REVISIONS AND ADDITIONS
are inevitable and fitting for that epoch. (5) The Five Element and Three Sequence theories are both cyclical, whereas that of the Three Ages is evolutionary or progressive. All three, however, agree that the process of history is dialectical; that is, that whatever happens in one epoch is in¬ evitably the result of what happened in the preceding epoch. (6) Under¬ lying these changes, however, there are certain cultural values that re¬ main unchanged and eternally valid, without which human society could not exist. In discussing these six common concepts, the author points out that several are reminiscent of Western materialistic philosophies of his¬ tory, notably Marxism.
Most of the Supplement, however, is devoted to three articles in which the author presents his theory of the origin of the six major schools of ancient Chinese thought: Confucian, Mohist, Names (or Dialectician), Legalist, Yin-yang, and Taoist. All these schools, he believes, arose out of the disintegration of the old fixed feudal society that characterized the latter centuries of the Chou period. Many men, as the result of this dis- integration, lost their hereditary positions in the various states, and thus were obliged to become professional educators, politicians, military ex¬ perts, and the like, who offered their specialized skills to anyone who would support them. The result was that education, formerly almost en¬ tirely restricted to men attached to specific public offices, became broad¬ ened to reach a wider circle. Confucius is the first man of this sort known to have spent part of his life as a “private” teacher rather than a public official.4
More specifically, the six major schools originated as follows:
(1) Confucian school : This arose from the ju or literati (see the present volume, p. 48) who were specialists in the rituals or li that played such an important part in the lives of the aristocracy. The result is that Confu¬ cianism became the rationalized expression of upper-class morality. This explains its emphasis on correct ritualistic behavior, on such cultural ac¬ tivities as music, on a graded love (stemming from the familial relation¬ ships of the strongly hierarchical feudal society of Chou times), and on the ruler as a moral example to his people. The author devotes consid¬ erable space to refuting the alternative theory of Hu Shih, according to which the ju were the descendants-cultured but politically impotent-of the people of the earlier Shang dynasty.
(2) Mohist school: This arose from men who had specialized in the military arts. Though, like the ju, these professional warriors had orig¬ inally belonged to the aristocracy, they in late Chou times were increat mg^ recruited from the lower classes, becoming known as the hsieh or
knights (on whom see this volume, pp. 83-84). Thus the Mohist phi-
4 See also Fun* Yu-lan. A Short History of Chinese Philosophy edited hv n nil (New York: Macmillan 1948) chap. 3, where the author indicates wherein his theory
(ca 46 b2a a ,heor> '>r‘«inall> danced by L.u Hsln
REVISIONS AND ADDITIONS nsriii
kisupby which arose from this group was a rationalized expression of tlic ethics of the lower classes in general, and of the professional military class io particular. This appears in the Mohisr doctrine of universal and egalitarian love (stemming from the “share-and -share alike" psychology of the professional hs ith), in its docirinc of Agreement with the Superior (characteristic of military groups the world river* and exemplified m its own closely knit organization), in its unsophisticated belief in spirits (contrasting with the upper-class skepliLism cif the Con hid anists on the subject), in its utilitarianism and insistence upon simplicity of living* and in its opposition to the ceremonials and music uf the Confucianism
On one important point, however, the Mohists differed sharply from the ordinary hsichy Fur whereas the latter were bravos willing to fight for anyone who would employ them, rhe former preached universal love and condemned all warfare save that waged in self-defence. This is why nine chapters in the Mo-ten an: devoted to the techniques of defensive war, including the building of instruments for resisting the siege of cities which in turn explains the interest uf the Later Mohists in mathematics and physics. When, the Mohists finally disappeared as an organized school* it was because their bwejr<bss ethics were far less palatable tn the ruling group than were chose of the Canine i an ists. Traces of somewhat similar ideas, however, have survived among the members uf Chinese secret so¬ cieties uf later rime** as well as among such groups uf Robin Hood-like bandits as those portrayed in rhe famous novel. Shut Hu Chmin (AH Men Are Brothers).
(3) School of Names: This originated from men who had specialized in the art of debate, and who used their ralencs on behalf of clients en¬ gaged in lawsuits. Through their tricks of sophistry, we are told, they werc able to turn right into wrong, and wrung into right. A famous early “lawyer" of this sort is Teng H$i (died 501 b.u.), who* though himself earlier than rhe actual School of Names, has become linked to it in later times (see this volume, ppB 191-195).
(4) Legalist school: This originated from mrn who were professional politicians, dedicated tea the creating of a strong and centralized ma¬ chinery of state for the rulers they served. As active statesmen themselves, their approach to politics was more direct and practical than that of any of the other schools. Hence it is wrong, despite iheir title, to regard them as primarily jurists, since they used law as only one of several practical techniques for achieving their purpose- The statesman Kuan Chung (died h45 bx>), though living prior to the Legalist school, tame to be regarded as a Legalist, owing to his achievements in the field of practical states¬ manship.
(5) Yin-yang school: This, ns pointed out in the present volume (p. 159) , originated from men who had specialized in such occult arts as astrology and divination. The fact that the activities of this group were
xxxiv
REVISIONS AND ADDITIONS
in some ways analogous to those of the ritualists tram which the Con fudan school originated, helps explain, perhaps, the synthesis of the two schools that took place during the Han dynasty.
(6) Titoht jehool: This, as put tiled out in ihc present volume (pp, 133 ££]h originated from educated men who, unlike those of the other schools^ frier! to escape the disorders of l heir day by retiring into the world of nature. Among such meet* living amid natural surroundings, there grad¬ ually developed the concept of Tuo as the eternal Way of Nature which all men should follow, and the consequent distrust of all human instil u- lions as perveitai of the natural order ,
Chart of Traditional Chinese History until Confucius’
The Five Emperors :
FuHsi
Shea Nung, the Divine Farmer Huang-ti, the Yellow Emperor Shao Hao Chuan Hsii
Yao (2357 P-2256 ? b.c.)
Shun (2255 P-2206 ?)
The Three Dynasties {San tai H ft, Hsia, Shang, Chou) :
1 — Hsia dynasty (2205 P-1766 ?) :
Yu (2205 P-2198 ?)
Chieh (1818 P-1766 ?)
2 — Shang or Yin dynasty (1766 P-1123 ?) :
T’ang (1783 P-1754 ?)
Chou (1154 P-1123 ?)
3 — Chou dynasty (1122 P-256 b.c.”} :
King Wen (1184 P-1135?)
King Wu (1134 P-1116?)
Duke of Chou is regent to young king following King Wu. Sun eclipse of 776 b.c., the first authentic recorded date.
Ch’un Ch’iu or * Spring and Autumn * period (722-481)
Duke Huan of Ch’i (685-643) is first Pa (feudal Leader). Confucius (551-479)
' For the chronology from Confucius onward, see the more detailed Chronological Table of the Philosophers, pp. 408-409.
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
There are three questions that must often occur to all persons interested in the history of Chinese thought. First, what is the nature of Chinese philosophy, and what contribution has it to make to the world ? Secondly, is it true, as is often said, that Chinese philosophy lacks system ? And thirdly, is it true that there is no such thing as growth in Chinese philosophy ?
The first of these questions can best be answered by briefly comparing Chinese with western philosophy. If we examine the problems studied by what, in China, during the Wei (a.d. 220-265) and Chin (265-420) dynasties, was called the * learning of the mystery* (Julian hsiieh ffk) ; by what during the Sung (a.d. 960-1279) and Ming (1368-1644) dynasties was called the ‘learning of the truth* ( too hsiieh ; and by what during the Ch’ing dynasty (1644-1912)
was called the ‘ learning of the principles * (/ // chih hsiieh Bg J^), we find that these problems resemble to a considerable degree those of western philosophy.
In the West, philosophy has been conveniently divided into such divisions as metaphysics, ethics, epistemology, logic, etc. . And likewise in China already in the fifth century b.c., we find reference being made to the discourse of Confucius on ‘human nature and the ways of Heaven * (Lun Yii , V, 12). Thus already in this quotation there are mentioned two of the divisions of western philosophic thought : ‘ human nature * corresponds roughly to ethics, and the * ways of Heaven * to metaphysics. As for the other divisions, such as logic and epistemology, they in China have been touched on only by the thinkers of the Period of the Philosophers (extending from Confucius to about 100 b.c.), and have been neglected by later Chinese thinkers (for example, those of the Sung and Ming periods). In one way, to be sure, this later philosophy can be said to have developed a methodology, when it discussed what it called ‘ the method of conducting study.* This method, however, was not primarily for the seeking of knowledge, but rather for self-cultivation ; it was not for the search of truth, but for the search of good.
Chinese philosophy, then, as far as regards methodology in the western sense, holds a humble position when compared with the philosophy of the West or of India. This arises more from the fact that the Chinese have paid little attention to methodology, than
2
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
from Their Incapacity to develop It. Chinese philosophers For the niust pare have nor regarded knowledge as something valuable in Iisctt, and so have not sought knowledge for the sake of knowledge : and even in the case ot knowledge of a practical sort that might have a direct bearing upon human happiness, Chinese philosophers have f Jj. ?° ®ppl? this knowledge to actual conduct that would had directly to this happiness, rather than to hold what thev considered to be empty discussions about it. For this reason the Chinese have not regarded the writing of books purely to establish doctrines,
£ If V?*1 of d]C hlSh«t importance. Most Chinese phiJo sophic schools have taught the way of what is called the f Imi er Sage
Urn,?” li^nS;r ru1C inn" Sa?e is a who has established
thc Outer King h one who has accomplished great deeds m the world. The highest ideal for a man is at once to possess the Virtue of a Sage and the accomplishment of a ruler and
PHiS^hc'wlig!5 w a s^k“8' “ what Phto «=™ th.
In China, therefore, it was only when a Sage had failed to
K,?™ "f a ,mI?r (°r at feast of an official), in which he
A , principles into practice, that he turned to the writing
SL3L“ * I* doerrines ; and hew to
last course was looked upon by Chinese philosophers as one to be oUowed only when no other alternative ofTetei For this reason
writtenrCin°TPrTt"ie^ V “ Chinese philosophical literature
written in a complete form and offering 3 unified presentation ■
hKS g<,n-Crair' bccn diat thc philosopher himself, or his AsapK have s.mply grouped together a scries of miscelCeoS writings Into an unconneaed whole. Because of this fact even though the doctnnes of a Chinese philosopher may in themselves
S JUSUhablc> Thc arijumenrs used to Support' them often fall
short because they are too simple or disconnected.-
ra#n ”6 philosophy, in short, has always laid stress upon what man is (ce., his moraJ qualities), rather thin what he hasfi/hk
r'w^e'". « ™« i* • Sage, hereof
rZlt 'rJ he li comPfetely lacking in intellectual knowledge*
r **■ “■* ffi — '2.3
ledtfc or hk “SMfesS of the extent of his know
J g t ^mnds ^ffcrs *om nine pounds of gold in weight.
Of thc 7 btlrtft *fmched *“> on Stops of bamboo.
M* U possible- ZT* »“% made M brief and
*1* #jk of writing had KT, *£? mppMedly in vv. 105. elbpddty of the hcl** » “«•» ** <**
INTRODUCTION
3
whereas the quality of the gold remains in both cases the same. The quality of gold pertains to the 4 what it is 5 aspect of things, whereas its amount pertains to the side of 4 what it has/ Chinese thinkers stress 4 what it is/ and not 4 what it has/ and so have not greatly . emphasized pure knowledge. This is one reason why China has had only the beginnings of science, and has lacked a properly developed system of science,1 2
Epistemology has likewise not formed an important part of Chinese philosophy, not only because Chinese philosophy has not cared to pursue knowledge purely for its own sake, but also because it does not demarcate clearly the distinction between the individual and the universe* A very important feature of modem western history has been the consciousness by the ego of itself* Once it has consciousness of itself, the world immediately becomes separated into two : the ego and the non-ego, or what is subjective and what is objective* From this division arises the problem of how the subjective ego can have knowledge of the objective non-ego, and from this arises the great emphasis which western philosophy has laid upon epistemology. In Chinese thought, however, there has been no clear consciousness by the ego of itself, and so there has been equally little attention paid to the division between the ego and the non-ego ; therefore epistemology has likewise not become a major problem/
Logic is a requirement for dialectic discussion, and hence since most schools of Chinese philosophy have not striven greatly to establish arguments to support their doctrines, there have been few men, aside from those of the School of Names, who have been in¬ terested in examining the processes and methods of thinking ; and this school, unfortunately, had but a fleeting existence. Hence logic, like epistemology, has failed to be developed in China.
Chinese philosophy also, because of its special stress on human affairs, has not put equal emphasis on metaphysics. In all of the divisions of philosophy which have we mentioned, western philosophy has made great developments, whereas this has not been the case with all of them in China* Chinese philosophy, on the other hand, because of its emphasis upon the way of the 4 Inner Sage/ has delved deeply into the methods of self-cultivation, that is, what it calls 4 the method of conducting study/ And in this respect China truly has a great contribution to offer.
1 Cf my * Why China ha$ no science,' in the International Journal of Ethics y Vol. 32, No. 3.
2 It is true that certain schools of Buddhism have in China delved quite deeply into the problem of the ego and the non-ego. These schools represent primarily Indian rather than Chinese thought, however, and hence have failed, in their original form at least, to become an integral part of the main current of Chinese thought, which has continued for the most part to pay little attention to the problems arising from the recognition of the distinction between ego and non-ego. — Tft.
4
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
The above already partially' answers the second of Our three questions : Is it true tliat Chinese philosophy lacks system ? As far as the prtTtntaikn of ideas is concerned, it is certainly true that there are comparatively few Chinese philosophical works that display
system may be divided into two categories, the formal and the real, which have no necessity connection with one another. It may be admitted that Chinese philosophy lacks forma! system ; but if one were to say that it therefore lacks any real system, meaning thu there is no organic unity of ideas to be found in Chinese philosophy, it would be equivalent to Saying tliat Chinese philosophy is not philo¬ sophy, and that China has no philosophy. The earlier Greek philo¬ sophy also Jacked formal system. Thus Socrates wrote no books him sell, Plato used the dialogue form in his writings, and it was not until Aristotle that a clear and ordered exposition was given on every problem. Hence if we judge from the point of view of formal presentation, Aristotle’s philosophy is comparatively systematic, yec in so far as the actual content of the philosophy is concerned, Plato’s philosophy is equally systematic. According to what has just been said, philosophy in order to be philosophy, must have nol system, and although Chinese philosophy, formally speaking, is less systematic than of the West, in its actual concent it has just as much system as docs western philosophy. This hdng so, the important duty of the historian of philosophy is to find within a phiiusuphy that lacks formal system, its underlying real system.
This search for the real system underlying any philosophy leads us to the third of our questions : Is it true that there is no such thing as progressive growth in Chinese philosophy ? When we study history, we see that social organization tends to move from the less complex to the more complex, and knowledge from the less distinct to the more distinct. Men of later times base themselves on the experience of earlier men, and thus can utilize all that has happened before them. For this reason the movement of history is one of progress, a tendency which we can also perceive at work when w
INTRODUCTION
5
conclude that the audits have contributed all and the modems nothing. Actually, however, when we think chat such men as Tong Chuflg-shu and Wang Yang-ming arc not merely commentators., and that their philosophic works represent their own philosophy and not that preceding them, the progressive growth of Chinese philosophy becomes apparent.
Some persons say that the ideas of such men as Tung Giuiig-shti and Wang Yang-ming are already co be found in germ in earlier Confudan writings. Hence, they reason, since these ideas are merely further developments made by these men, how can they be accepted as forming a philosophy of tfatir own ? What new contribution can they make? Even granted, however, that the philosophies of these two men axe mere developments of earlier thought, we cannot regard them iighdy* For development means progress* When the child grows into the mature man, the adult merely develops the capacities already inherent in the child ; and when the chicken's egg becomes the chicken, the chicken merely develops the capacities already inherent in the egg. Yet how can we, on the basis of this fact* conclude that the child is therefore: the aduh, and the cliicken egg is the chicken? One might point our that, using Aristode’s icrminology, a great difference exists between potentiality and actuality* Movement from such potentiality toward actuality constitutes progress. If we wish to see the progressive growth of Chinese philosophy, wc must first relegate the material of cacti period to that period, and the doctrines of each man too that man. Once this has been done, the true aapeet of the philosophy of each school becomes evident, and the growth of Chinese philosophy also becomes manifest.
Former scholars of Chinese civilization have either not known how to separate genuine ancient writings from forgeries* or when they did, they have considered such forgeries to lack any value. This, too, has been otic cause for the apparent lack of growth in Chinese philosophy. We historians of Chinese philosophy maintain that such a distinction between false and genuine writings must be made, because only after this has been done can the true aspect of the thought of each period be made evident. If we are merely studying philosophy, and not the history of philosophy, we need only trouble ourselves about whether or not the doctrines appealing in a certain work arc valuable In themselves, arid need not bother about discovering to what man and period they actually belong. The mere fact that a book is a forgery* does not, in such a case* destroy that book's value, provided that the ideas k expresses have value in themselves. Nor does the mere genuineness of a book make that book valuable, if what it says is in itself of no value.
Even from the viewpoint of the historian of philosophy, how¬ ever, a forgery may have value. For though it cannot be used ro
6
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
represent the thought of the period to which it has been falsely attributed, yet it remains as the thought of the period when it was actually produced, and so can be utilized as material for the philosophic history of that period. The chapter in the Ueh-t^u, for example, which supposedly describes the doctrines of Yang Chu (who lived probably in the fourth century b.c.), does not, as a matter of fact, represent his true doctrines ; and yet it remains a systematic exposition of a much later current of thought existing during the Wei (a.d. 220-265) and Chin (265-420) dynasties, thus becoming excellent material for the study of the philosophy of these dynasties. There¬ fore to say that this chapter is a forgery does not destroy its value, but merely necessitates moving its period to a later time. And the necessity for thus shifting it consists only in the desire to make written history accord with actual history, that is, to gain the truth.
CHAPTER n
A GENERAL SURVEY OF THE PERIOD OF THE PHILOSOPHERS
1 — Beginnings of the Period
It was not until the Chou dynasty (1122 P-256 b.c.) that the civilization of China assumed a definite pattern. Confucius has said : “ Chou had the advantage of surveying the two preceding
dynasties. How replete is its culture ! I follow Chou ” (JLun Yii, III, 14). In his mind, the Chou literature and institutions could, indeed, serve to “ transmit the spirit of the Sages of the past, and open the way to scholars to come.” Confucius, in fact, as we know from the Luu Yu, strove his entire life to perpetuate the achievements of King Wen and the Duke of Chou, two of the Chou dynasty founders.'
While material is not lacking from which we may study the culture, literature and institutions of the early Chou, yet up to the time of Confucius (551-479 b.c.) there appears to have been no one who composed any sort of literary work in a private capacity, that is to say, who wrote books under his own name expressing his own opinions, in contradistinction to authorship of historical works or other writings directly connected with official position. 1 The historian, Chang Hsiieh-ch’eng (1738-1801) points this out as follows :
“ During the early period there were no instances of the (private) writing of books. The officials and teachers preserved the literary records, and the historians made record of the passage of events. The purpose of written words was already sufficiently fulfilled if by their means the various officials might govern, and the common
people be kept under surveillance . It was only when the times
were out of joint that teachers and scholars set up their (own private) teachings, and it was in so doing that our Master (i.e., Confucius) was superior to (the legendary Emperors) Yao and Shun.” * *
Save for the tendency in this quotation to idealize the past, these words seem close to the truth. China’s ancient period was essentially
' Cf. ch. 4, sect. 2, pp. 54 f.
1 The books traditionally ascribed to non-official writers living prior to Confucius are all later forgeries, and the Too Tt Ching , supposedly written by Lao Tzu before the time of Confucius, is also much later. Cf. ch. o, sect. 1, pp. 170-172.
* Cf. W'tn-shih T’/mg-i, Sh:h-ch:ao section, pt. I, in the Chang-sh'h l-:hu,chiian 1, p. 23.
8
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
one of aristocratic rule, in which those who held political power were, at the same time, the possessors of material wealth and held a monopoly on education. In other words, the political and economic hierarchy, and the hierarchy of learning, coincided, so that between officials and scholars there was no real distinction. This ruling nobility, occupied as it was with political matters, had little time left for the writing of books ; while because it held the political authority, it could directly express its ideals, when these existed, in concrete action, out of which could later be formulated the texts used in government instruction. There was, then, no real need for literary writings (i.e., those unconnected with the government administration). Such writing was regarded as something to be done only when there remained no other alternative of action. This is an attitude that has been characteristic of many of the philosophic schools of China.
Philosophy, however, if it is to be the systematic manifestation of thought, must necessarily find expression in the writings of private individuals. Prior, to Confucius there were no such writings, and we, to-day, cannot know whether or not any kind of systematic philo¬ sophy actually did exist. Although Confucius himself did not compose any literary works, there was a period during his life when he neither held office nor engaged in any other activity, but devoted himself exclusively to the exposition of his teachings. To-day, there is nothing exceptional in such conduct, but at that early time it was truly an unheard of precedent. Confucius, furthermore, according to what his disciples have recorded of him, was the first to develop a true system of thought.* In these respects, then, he certainly occupies a pioneer’s position in the history of Chinese philosophy, and hence the fact that later generations have honored him as The Teacher, although perhaps not entirely justified, was also not wholly un¬ reasonable. Confucius is, therefore, the first individual to be studied in this history of Chinese philosophy, because prior to him there existed, in all probability, no system of thought worthy of being called philosophy.
2 — Causes for the Development of Philosophy
DURING THE PERIOD
Among the subdivisions in the history of Chinese philosophy, that of the Period of the Philosophers occupies a primary position, whether it be in the number of its schools, the variety of problems discussed by these, its broad scope, penetrating interest of investiga¬ tions, or dynamic richness of its manifestations. Special causes must
* What have been considered as the writings of private individuals prior to the Warring States period (403-221 b.c.) need not necessarily have been written by these individuals themselves. Cf. sect. 5, pp. 19-20.
THE PERIOD OF THE PHILOSOPHERS
9
have existed tci give it such unique qualities, and these will be taken ap later/
In Chinese history, the age extending from the Qi'un Ch* *ii3 perifjd (722-481 *,c.) down to the beginning of the Han dynasty (206 E.c. — a.d. 220) is one of general emancipation, in which political institutions, social organizations *nd economic structure all undergo fundamental changes. The early Chou dynasty had been a time of rule by a feudal aristocracy, under which each of die feudal states was either a lief created by the Royal House of Chou* or a state that had already existed before the Chou, The minister* and great officers within these states were also all members of die ruling houses* and held their offices in hereditary perpetuity, whereas the common people were denied all share in die political power. The Tsq Cfivan* under ihc year 533 h+c*, states : "As the days have their divisions in periods of ten each, so men have their ten ranks. It is by these that inferiors serve their superiors, and that superiors perform their duties to the spirits. Therefore the king has the ruler (of each feudal state) as his subject ; the ruler* have the great prefects as their subjects ; the prefects have their officers ; the officers have their subalterns ; the subalterns have their multitude of petty officers ; the petty officers have their assistant* ; the assistants have their employees mv the employees have their menials. For the menials there arc helpers, for the horses there are grooms, and for the cattle there are cow herds. And thus there is pro vision for alt things '' (p, 616)* With a government thus maintained by a feudal aristocracy holding hereditary offices and fiefej it was inevitable that the social orgaruzadon should also be based on an elaborately graded hierarchy.
The outstanding characteristic of the Warring States period (403-221 B+cf), however, was the gradual collapse of the feudal system* resulting in marked changes in the earlier rigid social system. This phenomenon was marked, on the one hand, by the rise during the Warring States period of many men, of comparatively lowly origin, to positions of great political importance; while on the other
1 Dr. Hu Shlli, in dhnusing the ifrtu3i of the period pripr to Lao Trt and Coafiichis, come* to ihc conclusion ihai ac that tIeqc fcl the ^ovemmrn t waa cspeddly ebuk and un- enlLahtLLnied , fotclrt y wu* imperially disordered* poverty and Wcllth especially un-
*3™% distributed, and the life of the people u-it* rjcremely bitter. With the eristcocs Of such condbi-Tttf, it vh> natural that ibeu should have produced reaction* of thought Of many kinds . w Cf. h U Chtdtg-kiMi Chp-Arurh Shift To-k^ng, p_ -42. But there has birdly been ft dynasty in China r% husorr wtefi auth condition^ have Dot to some riirrst been present. Hpncc while not without bearing upon the appearance of the indent philosophy,, they Cannot, In thcmidlvs, beheld sufficiently to nrwurn for it* unique qtttJluc*, Lian^ Qn-ch'ao (1H7MQ29J has already pointed thi* Out. but tlm factors which be in hi* turn bold* to be of special impoccmpc, also cabled during liter aftes, fiU’Hl so are hJoc wife blSurEkien: explanations. m Ihemadves, Cf IJaitg Jnr A-jtng Hffrfb ihu CM. pp.^ 11 and 16 of the lint collection.
J A detailed hlaloiy* a-dtftfi probably during the third Cm tiny G.C., vfiich cowfl the same period »P and greatly elaborate* Ubd^ the brief chronicle* found in lire CA'm Qtm history from which ux Chrmi Ch'iu period dcrira in name, — Ts.
10
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
it was marked by the fad from power of many of the former ruling families. This movement reached a d l mas in 221 b>c,, when Ch'in Shih-hujmg succeeded in unifying all China under the rule of the House of Ch*ins and dealt feudalism a decisive blow by relegating the royal families of all states except that of Chlm to the level of the common people-
During the several years of civil warfare following the death of Chin Shih'htJMg in 210, it is true, several of the members of the former ruling Families succeeded in raising armies and returning to power. And when unification was once mure effected through the founding of the Han dynasty in 206, the first Han ruler, despite the fact that he was of plebeian origin, allowed feudalism CO be revived by granting dels to his meritorious ministers and to members of his own family, as wed as by allowing several of the former nobles to retain their rank. The feudalism thus revived was only a shadow of its former self, however* and especially after a revolt of several nobles occurring in 154 b.c., it was greatly circumscribed by restrictive measures* among them one that ail governing officials should be directly appointed by the Emperor, The final blow* was dealt by the gradual establishment of the examination system under Emperor Wu-ti (140-B7 iuc*)* so that after that time feudalism almost ceased to exist,
Wc can find evidence of the breakdown of feudalism beginning already during the Chun QViu period. Thus it is recorded that Ning ChJi# a mere carter, while feeding his oxen* attracted the attention of Duke Hu an of CM (685 643) and so obtained office, and that Po-li Hsi, while a prisoner of war, was ransomed by Duke Mu of Of in (659-621) for the price of five ram skins* and so became the latter is counsellor. At the Same time: there was a corresponding decline of the aristocracy* The TV# Ci/^, for example, under the year 539 h;c,* makes the statement : “ The Luan, the Ch‘i* the Hsu, the \ uanT the Hu* the Hsu, tile Ofing and the Pq (all descendants of great^ families of the Chin state) are reduced to the position of menials (p- 589). Confucius himself original lv belonged to the nobility of the state of Sung, but because of poverty entered office and was 4 once a keeper of stores/ and 1 once in charge nf the public fields* both lowly offices. All this indicates how the nobles were gradually losing their positions and becoming a part of die common people. Institutions that had been based upon a graded hierarchy likewise gradually fell into oblivion, so that by the time of the found¬ ing of the Han dynasty, it waa possible for a man of the common people to become Emperor*
Intimately connected with feudalism was the economic system known as the well-field 1 or chmg t'ittt ft fg system. According to this, aU land was divided into large squares, each subdivided into
1 Cf. Mmrtfff, VS, 5*
THE PERIOD OF THE PHILOSOPHERS
11
nine smaller squares* Each of the eight outer of these nine squares was cultivated by one family for its own use, while the produce of the ninth central square, cultivated in common by the eight families and called the * public field,’ went to the support of the overlord/ Under this system all land was ultimately the possession of the ruler. Thus the Shift Ching (Book of Odes) says : tf Under the whole heaven, every spot is the sovereign’s ground ; to the borders of the land, every individual is the sovereign’s subject ” (II, vi, Ode 1, 2), The T so Chuan also states, under the year 535 : “ The dominion of the Son of Heaven extends everywhere. The feudal lords have their own defined boundaries* Such is the ancient rule* Within the state and the kingdom, what ground is riiere which is not the ruler’s ? What individual of ail whom the ground supports is there who is not the ruler’s subject?” (p. 616)*
Such terms as 4 king’s land ' and i king’s subject ’ were in later times regarded merely as political concepts, but during the ancient feudal period they had economic meaning as well. The graded ranks of society which have been described above, were likewise not merely political and social, but also economic. In short, under the feudal system of ancient China, the Emperor (Son of Heaven), feudal lords, and ministers and great officers, were all overlords of the people, not only politically but also economically, and so when the Royal House of Chou invested the male branches of its family with land grants, those so invested acted both as political rulers and as economic landholders* These feudal lords, in their turn, divided this land among their relatives, and these relatives again among the common people for cultivation. The common people could not themselves own land, and so were mere agricultural serfs of their political and economic overlords* Consequently we find that the records of government of that time, as found in the Tsa Chuan and Kuo Yu* describe no more than the activities of a few noble families. As for the common people, they were required to labor for their lords in rime of peace, while in time of war they had to be ready to sacrifice their lives* The relationship of serf to overlord is described by the historian Hsia Tseng-yu (died 1924), in his discussion of the question of the ching fien system :
" The truth of the matter probably is that the land was exclusively the possession of the nobles, and that the peasants were ail attached to this land as serfs, this forming the basis of the distinction between the ordinary people and those who belonged to the Hundred Names (Le*, who bore a recognized family name, in contradistinction to the
T The word thing ^ or ‘ well/ as used here, represents the square SB fields, into which the land was divided under this system. — Tr*
3 * Sayings of the States/ a collection of historical conversations which cover about the same period as docs the Tsa Chum, but arc grouped geographically according to states, rather chan chronologically* — Tr*
12
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
nameless serfs). Such a condition lasted until Lord bhang,' of the state of OTin, abolished it. This act marked one phase of social progress." * 1 *
The histories tell us that Shang Yang " destroyed the thing t’iett system, and opened up the paths and furrows between the fields ......
The (ancient) imperial regulations thereupon disappeared, there was no limit upon encroachments, and among the common people there were wealthy men who accumulated millions (of coins).”* This Suffices to indicate how the agricultural serfs, following their emancipa¬ tion, seized power and came into control of large land areas. The decay of the so-called thing i'itn system was undoubtedly One of the main tendencies of chat age, and bhang Yang, by making especial use of political power, did no more than give it a conscious and exemplary impetus.
Another of the tendencies of the time was the changing status of the merchant class, which gradually rose till it acquired great power. Thus the Cffitn Hen Shu (History of the Former Han Dynasty) says :
"With the decline of the House of Chou, the rites (li j$) and laws lell into decay. ..... This falling away (from the old standards) reached the point where, among the officials and common people, there were none who did not set the (old) regulations aside and spurn what is fundamental (i.e., agriculture). The peasants became few and the merchants numerous. Of grain there was an insufficiency,
and of (commercial) goods a superfluity. _ _ Thereupon the
merchants circulated goods difficult to obtain (i.c.p rare and expensive luxuries) ; the artisans produced objects of no real utility ; and the scholars instituted conduct subversive to morality, in their pursuit
for immediate benefits and search for worldly wealth . The
grounds and groves of the rich underwent elaborate adornment, and their dogs and horses had a superabundance of meat and grain. . . . While among the common people, though all were (theoretically) of equal rank, some by the power of their wealth could become the masters of others " (ch. 91, p. 3).
Looked at from the economic point of view, it is evident that the collapse of feudalism was brought about through this continual increase of economic power of the former agricultural serfs and of the merchants, with the result that 4 the imperial regulations dis¬ appeared,’ and 1 the rites and laws fell into decay.* The rise of the merchant class may be illustrated by such men as Hsien Kao, who, while a mere merchant, successfully protected the state of Cheng
* Snag Y^g (died 538 i.e.), <hc famous legalist staiMonan who introduced runv -economic. mriMLm intg Ch tn. Foi h(S idetq, ice ch. AeCt, \ p. 319,— Tk.
1 CT/ bn Omb-Aw L±jtiA (A History of China)* I, m.
m CA'uzt Ski, ch, 24, pr. 1, p„ 7,
13
THE PERIOD OF THE PHILOSOPHERS
from the Surprise attack of the state of Ch’tn ; * 1 * 111 and Lii Pu-wei, vho, from ^position of a great trader, became minister of the Ox ID state*3 These are examples of ‘capitalists* who became direedy involved in the political affairs of their day. Summing up, 'B'e may say that the breakdown oi the system of hereditary revenues, and oi the thing t'kn organization ; the emancipation of the common people ; and the amassing of private fortunes, were the outstanding Cliangcs m tire economic structure during the ancient period.'
These great changes began during the Ch’un Ch m period, and tame to an end about the middle of the Han dynasty. During these several centuries the novelty of the conditions which the Chinese w ere called upon to face, and the scope of the freedom obtained from Jormer restrictions, stand, with the sole exception of present-day Conditions, unparalleled in China's history, Even in world history', in fact, excepting again the present era, they arc at least fully comparable to similar phenomena elsewhere.
During this gradual collapse of the old institutions of an endie society, it is natural that there should have been a tendency among con¬ servatives, seeing that “ the spirit of the age is not Hut of antiquity, and men's hearts daily decline,” to arise as upholders of these ancient institutions, Confucius was a man of this sort. Before these in¬ stitutions had been shaken, the mere fact of their antiquity was sufficient 1|> awaken in men's hearts a feeling of reverence. Bur once that they were actually In danger, their | ircsrrvcrs^ if they wished to ^ain ^ genuine following among the rulers and men of their Lime, lvere
* *?* OTaii army ™ nmisfiinff to rrack Cheng io 62 7 fi.e., he frEehiuted h
it,,,. ? i whidi be presented on behalf of ihc Ch ma rder.
jjfa ftW- mXaadcd iurprise atKk wa* already kno-sm to iJr^AR. Cf, Wm.
* ^Jltle a incEvbfflnt. LQ INi-wiei attached hJmicTF to one of the Ch'irt n finer- i and —f™* ^uardtui of the [iiecct's son when she prince died. Thin *unT who U uid actual] u uJftVC , r\ I-"-1,?1™ htrf i he fumed Oihtn bhib-hiLinfi-Li; China1* #int
and died “»“*■ mnnallf ^ involved in a court intrigue,
1 urtdjcr the year 526 ilc^ fcGanfc an mtereiang itory :
HsClan Tail had u rinK of jade, the mate of which befcnitod to a mendunt of t-henfi, and he begged it ftnm the F^rl of Cbrntf Tai 1 UTia (Prime Minister of Lhcn^ reluct J it. . - . uymr : +i Our former ruler. Dulte Huan (JgFfi-771), amn (40mc) muxchant* ftum Chou, Thus they weite associated in cut dining the
111 s tQ^ct-'irr ^caring aiid opening up this and cutting down its Eung]^!
aoud ie rnwood and Ora da . They dwell in it together, a nd nude n covenant o f my mil iiuth, to uk through ill prnrrairijiEis. which Mid : -lf you (the Kcrchnw) do nut reynli i^ain^r meF I will nor forcibly Interfere in your trade, nor will I dernand or SCiae anything from yo«. If yuu derive prahE from Selling pretkm objects. j ^ cahe no notice of ic. 1 Thro ugh ihii attested onnemt, (our ruJcn and the ih- of merchants) have preserved their mutual reLtiijm down to the prcstnc dayr Rut now Your Excellency* having tome to un an a friendly lllksinn, ha* lold om mi* fore i idy to despoil chii mrichanr. Such would h* ic*dtnn£ u? to violate a covenant. _ Would it not be imjuupc r ? “ (p. W4), ihe Icma Of this covenant* to solemnly recorded, tLtikr hs tonjiy » KCiaiklhle. and nu'eate ihc humble poshion of the mcrehaiiti in eirk China, when ihrlr oppie»ion bv oe Eiobiiity wus Ml ordLnary nocufra-tice.
14
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
obliged to supply reasons for upholding the past and its institutions. Confucius had already begun this sort of work ; the later Confucians continued it ; and in this rests one of their great contributions.
. general tendency of the time was such, however, that these ancient institutions continued to disintegrate despite the attempts of the Confucians to uphold them. From the age of Confucius onward, there arose men who criticized or opposed these institutions ; who wished to revise them ; who wished to establish new institutions in their place ; or who were opposed to all institutions whatsoever. The age was one of transition, during which the institutions of the past had lost their authority, and those of the new age had not yet been definitely formulated. It was inevitable, then, that it should also be one of uncertainty and divergence. Thus when the Confucians had advanced their arguments for the preservation of the past, other philosophers holding divergent views, were forced, if they wished to gain a following, to explain in their turn the reasons why they con- !ldere<L *eir own doctrines superior. The Confucian philosopher, Hsun Tzu, refers to this situation when he says about the doctrines of twelve opposing philosophers : “ What they support (all) seems reasonable ; their teachings are (all) plausible ” (Hsun-fiye, pp. 78, 79).
In this way men became accustomed to emphasis being laid upon logical i presentation, a fact which resulted in the rise of the School ol Dialecticians, with its discussions on such subjects as * the hard and the white, similarity and difference,’ and its purely logical interest. Thus we see that the beginnings of rationalism coincide with the beginnings of philosophizing.
A number of quotations from contemporary literature allude to the prevailing intellectual anarchy of the time. ' The Mencius states :
hage-kings cease to arise, the feudal lords give rein to their lusts, anti unemployed scholars indulge in unreasonable discussions ” (lllb 9 i The Ckuang-tvtfl (ch. 33) says similarly : v * v
“The world is in great confusion, the virtuous and the sage are obscured, morality and virtue have lost their unity, and there are many in the world who have seized a single aspect of the whole for
their self enjoyment . Everyone in the world does what he
wishes and is a rule unto himself ” (p. 439).
And the 1-wen Chih (catalogue of the Imperial Han library, forrmogOiapter XXX of the Often Han Shu) States : ^
The various philosophers belonged to ten schools, but there are only nine worthy of notice. They all began when royal control
!”} j SffenUJg andthe feudaI nobl« were becoming more powerful and differed widely in what they preferred and disliked. Just so the differing practices of the nine schools swarmed forth and had
waTSXd ?3Ch Sjh°o1 Picked a single point which
the feudii lordt” WM) * ” “ ‘° Wi” thc &VOt °f
THE PERIOD OF THE PHILOSOPHERS
15
All this serves to indicate die breakdown of the institutions and organization of that time, because of which ' morality and virtue lost ihcir uoin\ the ItuclaJ lords. „ „ differed widely in
they preferred and disliked/ and 1 everyone in the world did what he wished and was a rale unto himself.' The philosophy of the Chou dynasry arose out of the freedom of thought and speech of that time, which was itself brought about by the fact that it was also an age of transition and of liberation from former restrictions/
3— The Cuke of the Period
of **« during States period, which took place in 221 u.c.. When Ch m uni tied China, is usually regarded as also marking the tf,c ancient period of Chinese philosophy. Because Ch'in bhih-huang (in 2.13 b.c.), ordered the Burning of the Books, and forbade the storage throughout the empire of 4 books of poetry, books of history, and the teachings of die various philosophers,' many people consider the Ch'in dyhasty as a barbaric time, in which the learning ot the past was completely destroyed. Actually, how- c\er, C.h in Shih-huang “ merely burned the hooks which existed among the people, bur did not burn those in die official archives. He merely prohibited private teaching, so that (people) would rum toward (the official class of) 'scholars of wide learning’ for instruo- tion.” 1 Oi’in Shih-huang's aim, in short, and that of his Prime Minister, Li Ssti, the man who had first suggested the Burning of the Books, Was more to create a standardization of thought, than com¬ pletely to wipe Out the learning of their time.* This is indicated by the fact that the * scholars of wide learning * * whom Ch'in Shih- huang established, included men belonging to all schools of thought.*
i„ „L^" a' *“ h™ baa about the IduM noble*. that they •- diluted *ideh
preferred jnJ Jl'.] iltcd . is. itself, one ciuie fnr the iluwcrinii of thought plairr dumiS ihe WifrifUj Statn peri.*] f 403-221 o.c.J. Thin lKf-orn« c-rido* 1th chat of User Emperor, great offiewh and rich mer*
ifut took pLtu mpnn(j ■ r>c wunu Stat« [irrn
gwawtewnpate it* at.ifudc wuf, that of lust. ^ men m*r-
P“nt*t "«« Jjicnmwe in d tchnUtihu. Why there thouid have hern this dilfcrcncc !™ “fl> ;™l attitude*, hairtit., ornnui be unde mood without talcing: hiid con&idcmTion the pcilmra], «odi] and economic background of the Qi'un Ch’iu and uSrf? £?“** 1*"°^' .1‘hc tupport. by rakn and todety. of Sfcrerv activities, u. ia itself, not an cuhutr cbuacwmrie of either of these tw o period*, and 'hence nerd not Ut upon,
2S l«gWM4), Sm^Tmpirn, r^3. Q. also Ch«,c Cb'iao U104- T^rMt IhiartAmt Utrh, and K'ang Yu-wei (IS5^tD27J, Hlb-iutUh Wti-ihhif.
,til[ *p die cun rape end purpose of thU
■ _ ’*5 ^uc even it Or in Shili-huang 3iuJ Li Ssi rcallv did im nid 10
TA kammft Of their limr, * *o a* to mike Ignorant ihe foinmon people,' 11 the »“««. *f,&« dial only * fcw years eJipKd between the Burning of the h™ 2J and the establishment of the Han dynasty- in 206, would hate nude such “ attempt timueceuful.
* Pc sfiiA || 1’, an official title given iu the icholan-— Tz,
CKu»' WiI>e Ku^wei Cl 577-1927). IIm WV Po-jMA K’ee, fiSan 4 of the Km* Thm$
16
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
No doubt the regulations made tn ensure absolute conformity did cause thought and Speech to lose their former freedom, while literary activities received a similar check. Nevertheless the M of the Gi'in dynasty, ( incurring soon after the book hurning, in 20? B.C., means that the influence Could not have been very profound. The philosophic schools again flourished, as a result, during the early part of the Han dynasty, and there arc many records in the histories of that time of both rulers and officials who showed the greatest catholicity of thought. We need only cite as an example the Prince of Huai-nau (died 122 b.c.), who induced his entourage to write a book (now* known under his name as die Huai-rran-i-^if), in which the doctrines of most of the philosophic schools arc indiscriminately accepted.’
Liu Hsifl (died a.d. 23), the noted compiler of the catalogue of the Han Imperial library, also states in a letter : 11 Under
Wen-ri (179-157), the many books in the empire (which, if not de¬ stroyed, had been placed in hiding after Ch'iu biiih-huang’s order for their destruction), largely reappeared. All the teachings of die philosophers which had been handed down, were pi laced in the places of official teaching, and ‘scholars of wide learning1 were appointed to teach them.” 1 From this statement we may see that rhe ’scholars of wide learning’ of Wcn-ti’s time, like those of Qt’in Shih-huang, included followers of most, If not all, the philosophic schools.
Furthermore, as regards Confucianism, we find that certain important Confucisn texts, such as the Li Chi (Book of Rites), and the Appendices to the I Ching (Book of Changes), contain sections not written by Coniudai lists until the early years of the Han dynasty; while it is also not until the beginning of the Han that the study of the Kiasg-jang Chaan * becomes important. Confucianism thus does not reach lull maturity until the beginning of the Han dynasty. A memorial written by the prominent Confucianist, Tung Chung-shu (179P-104? B.C.), gives us some idea of the character of the time. Ihe memorial (presented probably 136 b.c.), reads :
“ The principle of unification in the Ck'tm Ch'iu is a permanent warp passing through the universe, and an expression of what is
ner extending from the past to the present. But the teachers of ly have diverse standards {tao *$), men have diverse doctrines.
The Yiw TV* L™ (eb. 3; nates : " It la hut recently that the prince* r.f Himi mn and llcnfl-ihaji, cncourifrinR liirrjry slgdm. invucd wandering nib"! it-. fp.tm the four comtn « ,hc empwr- The CaitvcunisMand MoliUi*. fr.,m cast of the mourn altconirmeucd
ilJflii* flii’ir} Hi 1 evrustin^iiih l . _ „ _
1 C/ hli bk^raphy in ihc O7or Hat Sfts* (die 36).
■ A nmmenbn un the CA'm CA'in much aiudied K That dm*, until, am few tu the mnumcc; of Liu Hi tit, le was rriiEd^d in popular e&dmmtoa by the Tra Ot*m. _ Tn.
THE PERIOD OF THE PHILOSOPHERS
17
and each of die philosophic Schools has its own particular position, and differs in the ideas which it teaches. Hence it is that the rulers possess nothing whereby they may effect general unification, the government statutes having often been changed; while the ruled know nor what to ding to. Ip your ignorant servitor, hold that all not within the field of the Six Disciplines 1 or the arts of ^oniuciuSj should be cut short and not allowed to progress further* * Evil and licentious talk should be put a stop to. Only alter this, can there be a general unification, and can the laws be made distinct, so that the people may know what they are to follow " (Qfim Han J™** ch. 56. pp. 20-21). Again he says :
Among the things paramount for die upbringing of scholars, none is more important than a university {/V hssith ^ A
university is intimately related hi (the fostering of) virtuous scholars, and is the foundation of education. , . * . . Your servant desires \ our Majesty to erect a university and appoint illustrious teachers tor it, tot’ the upbringing of the empire’s scholars ” {ibid.t p* 1 3).
The Ch*i?n Hm Shu goes on to tell us that IS from the beginning of Wu-ti's reign (140-87 ac.% when the Marquis Wei ChT and ¥u An had been appointed as prime ministers, Confucianism began to flourish. With Tung Chung-shu's memorial, Confucius was elevated, and die other schools of philosophy were degraded. The establishment of officials for education, and the provincial and pre- Letural (degrees of) mm if si and hrim liin ^ cill began with
Eung Chung-shu 1S (ibid.)* From this time onward, if one wished to gain official position, one had to bean advocate of Confucianism, ami this Confucianism furthermore had to be of a sort conforming to that decided upon by the government. Thus * the empire's out¬ standing men were all caught in a single snare, ’ and the atmosphere complete ircedom of speech and thought, which had been such an outstanding characteristic from the Ch’un Chfiu time onward, now completely disappeared.
^ ith the putting into practice of Tung Chung-shu's suggestion, the Period of the Philosophers came to an end, and that of the Study of the Classics commenced* With him also the school of the Yin- jmg ffjr (the male and female principles of Chinese cosmology), and the Five Elements or Powers (earth, wood, metal, fire and water), was combined with Confucianism and systematized* After this time Confucius dianged from the status of a man to that of a divine Ix'ing, and the Confiicianist school changed Into the Cnnhicianist religion. It was not until the appearance of die so-called f Old Text s school of scholarship, that the position of Confucius gradually
1 The O^'tfrp CA'ifii I C%b ami bocks erf poetry ^ history, lilts. And tilt muiic.—TR,.
* For nkipi: *bout Tung Chutig-shu and the ike of t^iniudiiiism, sw pp. 403 f.
18
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
fcSmfnn0 ^ ****& ™d the Confbcianist religion
became once more the Confucianist school.' ®
4 The Close of the Ancient Period of Transition
to J5l P^! itilaJ m^asures taken by Wu-ti and Tung Chung-shu to make all thought conform to a single standard were the
isTtfc1" PlrP°le 25 th°Se °f Ch’in Shih-huang and Li Ssu. How are ’n^nv’^31 °ncJto*P succeeded where the other failed? There are many causes for this, but one certainly worthy of mention is Se fact that the great political, social and economic 'changes beginning ts&f* Ch U" O^pcdod, had by the middle of dJaSSSS gradually ceased. And when the characteristic element? of movemtm, disappeared, die distinctive features of die literal acS of the time also lost the basis for their existence. ' ^
it has been said above that these changes all arose out of the °f the °ld 01111116 ^ institutions. As this disinteera-
inder^ndem “fiut^O?1’ contemP,orary thought ^came more 221 B c unifier! rvf1 Cu mxr concluered Ac other six states, and in
SeDsCe noSes ^iUhild’ ^e. ^possessed descendants of
MUJJ U d measure of influence, so that when Ch’in
sSSSSSSS&p?
cence of the nobility was but a sunsetE second recrudes-
end nf rM1j i ^ . c , sunset glow, however, coming at the
™ fcu*1 so that when the Han founder pushed hk
Sl L? “">mon people, he was finally able to ovcnhrow
irxrs &kesA"dda"hou8h hc-
=cst^fi“f“” m ttaK on 1“d °°>* poUdrS'^d'no?
had 24 2^^^-SLSf
- y . Among the common people, though all
pretation, which, from its rise about the time c S*1?0*8 classical inter¬ day has been one of the most hotlv debated \n n?6 blrth down to the present
be discussed here. Suffice S&S£*£< t0° ^mpli^tedTo miraculous deeds attributed to him has bernnn^ Con£ucius’ ^d the authenticity of two schools, and that in this respect, at leL the OldTe^k of, c,ont?ntion betweenthe and less superstitious than the New Text Shool i! ^ more rational
present work, ch. 4, sect. 1.— Tr. * Cf' VoL n of thc ^inese edition of the
THE PERIOD OF THE PHILOSOPHERS
19
were (theoretically) of equal rank, some by the power of their wealth could become the masters of others, while even should they became slaves, they were without resentment ” (eh. 91, pP 3). This quotation indicates how, by that time, the people were al ready amenable to the new economic situation, Although the Han dynasty1* policy was one favoring agriculture and restricting commerce, it did not result in any radical changes being made in the social and economic order. The period of transition that had begun during the Ch*un Ch^u time now reached its dose, and with it, its characteristic wealth of thought also disappeared. From the Han dynasty down to the present day, China’s political and economic institutions and social organization — excepting for die remarkable social i.stic innovation a forcibly introduced by Wang Mang, who usurped the throne from a,d. 6 to 23 — underwent no fundamental modifications - and, therefore* the unique qualities of thought that had characterized the Period of the Philosophers did not reappear 1
5 — The Forms of this Eaicly Lttkratuile
If we wish to study the development of Chinese philosophy, we must Hrst determine the period and authorship of i he texts. In this respect the ancient period presents special difficulties. Among the works formerly supposed to belong to the th'un Gh'iu and Warring States epochs, for example* cnticial scholarship has now determined that the must In all probability be assigned
rather to the Wei (a,d* 220 263) or Qiin (265-420) dynasties, and, as such, may be used to exemplify the thought of that time* rather than of the Chou period. On the other hand, there are works generally recognised as being authentic, such as the and
which may justifiably be assigned to the ancient period. And yet it Is very difficult to determine how much of the thought they contain actually represents the philosophy of Mo Tzii and Chuang Tzil them¬ selves, the men after whom they are named. As regards this point* a clear understanding of the inherent characteristics of the ancient texts h necessary.
The historian* Chang Hsueh-ch'eng, has pointed out that the for example, mentions events occurring after the death of Kuan Chung (noted statesman who died 645 b.c.* to whom the work is attributed), while the (attributed to Han Fci* a Legalist
writer who died 233 R.C.), ccmtainsi a speech made by LiSsu disapprov¬ ing of Han Fei*s polity . it is, therefore, evident that these and other works contain sections that could nor have been written by their
1 To many whp md lh«e lines, arrch sTifiovn Muttr tw thov r*f ch* Mateiittail Wing An-fthih { 102 1 - 1 and Oi LnnFj early uac of paper mfiflcy, will probably come to mind
to pro** Ure commy. Tbeifl innovation* cannot be compared in shclr Wing rJTrct, hdweverr with ^i3ch radirml rhangrs u* Khe abotirkm of feudalism and me of the examina¬ tion ij'SCern In the f Lin dyriaaty, tit with the heglnnlflft* of induairulum w-cUj'- — Th.
20
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
supposed authors, but weie probably composed by later followers ot the same school* Chang suggests that Che primary purpose of a Writer of ancient times, was to expound the doctrines of his school, so that the question of who was the actual author of the Writing, was considered as relatively unimportant. And for this reason the writings of any school were the collective work of that school, rather than the work of any one Individual/
This theory is probably correct- The conception of authorship was evidently not wholly clear In early China, so that when we find a book named after a certain man of the Warring States period, or earlier, this doe* nor necessarily mean that the book was originally actually written by that man himself* What parr of it was die addition of his followers, and what part was by the original author* was not at that time looked upon as requiring any distinction and hence to-day cannot for the most part be distinguished any longer/
„ ~^1C hooks now generally attributed to various Chou dynasty writers should,, therefore, be regarded as the products of their schools, rather than of the men themselves. Much has already been done in the critical analysis of such works* SO that* for example* we recognize tevday that such portions as the 4 Canon s and * Exposition of Canon 1 oi the (chs. 40-41 and 42-43 respectively}* were probably not
written by Mo Tzu himself In the case of such sections as the 1 Will of Heaven' (chs. 26-28) and 'Agreement with the Superior' (chSn 1M3) of the same book, however, no one dares to decide which parts of them came first and which were later additions. In treating the philosophy of the ancient periods therefore, the present work Will simply try to indicate that, during this period, there existed certain schools of philosophy and systems of thought ; but it will not attempt to i teerrrune absolutely whether these systems are always actually representative of the individuals by whom they were founded, or have been affected by later modifications.
The philosophy of this latter Chou period, includes chiefly what have IflftgJxcQ known as the doctrines of the various philosophers
« C/* Chang ibfldi-th'oig, Ym-hmg sect.* pt. I, m 0p, aXrttiu*t 4. p. 5r
owed by Chinese xhobn, In dl ripjtnbiljrv nhaC have been handed tluwxi to ui ai pfcCb’in work*. have Al mssed thrcriieh ih£
HU **“ ^eh bttfc ihc Arid for
mjl ™ ?ndr r Tbc CVm dynuty in the form in which *jwn Efi Ui ccwby- Whac exitted during the pte-Ch'in period were cbaptEri, and (he I Lin ^hufar?, in amn^inp ihb litcrarufe cn ide a ?n *[ 113 vdaORmg CO a ccrdJn school, eonspfci ch£il- Inin One fciofc and
h I 1 ?' 1 ^ nimc °f 1 he foundci r of thu «cl !•* hj|, intend i AK thci ehy i ..i LnefcciUL that the h™ - k
^ a pfoduct rf 'h*T KhML Br,iJ^ Vrinn J of
thcnjibo cxiit one Or twrj works that E]<» ^ biek In their t™5cm form cn cv' nre-O.'irt
“ L‘,rr,^"e b“*a *“* lhcJf iM^Oning- An
THE PERIOD OF THE PHILOSOPHERS 21
(chu ^16 ^), and, therefore, its age may be fittingly designated as the Period of the Philosophers, These philosophers have hern classified by SsQ-ma Tan {died 110 b.c), the father of Ssfl-ma Ch'len (compiler of the Shih Chi \ China's first gror general history), as belong- mg to six schools : that of the Ytriyunt g 35. that of the literati or Coni Lid a ns (jJt fljj), the Mohists (m ®}, that of Names {mm ;g], the Legalists {fa £fc), and the Tanists (too it & (g).1 To these six schools, Liu Hmii has added those of Agriculture ()m? |J)s Diplo- mansts {tsmghtog #), Miscellaneous \tsa £), and Story-tellers (ksuKhsJivQ 4' aft), thus bringing the total up to ten.4 Some of tiiesc schools have no conceivable relationship with philosophy* however, and so in die following pages I shall select only those having philosophical interest, and describe their doctrines in their chrono¬ logical appearance.
■ I ft SAii Or- or * Hiiiarial Retonh ' (efa. 130). Cj. tnnshtion in Aid*, pp. 51 f. •JW-, pp.fi I f.
CHAPTER III
PHILOSOPHICAL AND RELIGIOUS THOUGHT PRIOR TO CONFUCIUS
As I pointed out in the preceding chapter, there was in China probably no one before Confucius (551-479 b.c.) who had written any books in a private rather than official capacity. Hence we are dependent upon statements found in the Shih Ching (Book of Odes),1 Shu Ching (Book of History),2 Tso Chuan and Kuo Yii> to show us the religious and philosophical thought of the period prior to, and includ¬ ing the time of, Confucius, and to give a general picture of the state of human knowledge in China at that period.
1 — Divine Beings
In the time of primitive man the belief was general, not only in China but in other parts of the world, that natural phenomena and human affairs are all under a divine and supernatural control. The Kuo Yu gives an example :
“ King Chao (of Ch’u, reigned 515-489) asked Kuan I Fu, saying : c What is meant when the Book of Chou says that Chung and Li succeeded in bringing about that there would no longer be communica¬ tion between Heaven and Earth ? If such had not been done, would it have been possible for people to ascend to Heaven ? ’ * *
** The reply was : * This is not the meaning. In ancient times people and divine beings did not intermingle. Among the people there were those who were refined and without wiles. They were, moreover, capable of being equable, respectful, sincere and upright. Their knowledge, both in its upper and lower ranges, was capable of conforming to righteousness. Their wisdom could illumine what was distant with its all-pervading brilliance. Their perspicacity could illumine everything. When there were people of this sort, the illustrious spirits ( shen jp$) would descend in them. If men, such
1 A group of three hundred and five court and popular poems, collected from the various feudal states of China, which form one of China’s earliest literary remains.— Tr.
c 2 ^ collection of speeches, prayers, etc., given on various historical occasions. Many of these arc later forgeries, but a few go back to the first millcnium or earlier b.c.— Tr.
• i3J^£i?Uwtion has rcfcrcncc to a statement made in the Shu Ching, in the section entitled The Marquis of Lu on Punishments/ which supposedly dates from the reign of King Mu of Chou (1001-947). Cf. p. 257, where Leggc translates: “Then he commissioned Chung and Li to make an end to the communications between earth and heaven ; and the descents (of spirits) ceased/’ — Tr.
PHILOSOPHICAL THOUGHT PRIOR TO CONFUCIUS 23
people were then called sorcerers ( hsi 4&), and if women, they were called witches ( wu S?). It was through such persons that the regula¬ tion of the dwelling places of the spirits, their positions (at the sacrifices), and their order of precedence were effected ; it was through them that their sacrifices, sacrificial vessels and seasonal clothing were arranged. ....
“ * Thereupon there were officials for Heaven, Earth, spirits, people, and the various creatures, who were called the Five Officials. They had charge over the orderly arrangement of things, so that they should not be mutually confused. This made it possible for the people to be true to themselves and sincere to others, and for the spirits to have illustrious virtue. The people, having their duties differentiated from those of the spirits, were respectful and not unduly familiar. Therefore the spirits conferred prosperous harvest upon them and the people offered things up out of gratitude. Natural calamities did not arrive, and there was an inexhaustible supply of what would be useful.
“ * But with the decline which came under (the legendary Emperor) Shao Hao, the nine Li (tribes) threw virtue into disorder. People and spirits became confusedly mingled, and things could no longer be properly distinguished. Ordinary people then performed the sacrifices, and each family had its own witches, who were utterly lacking in the necessary qualifications. The people exhausted them¬ selves in the sacrifices, without coming to know the happiness (that should result from sacrifice properly performed). Sacrifices were offered up without any order, and people and spirits occupied identical positions. The people disregarded their solemn oaths, and were without a sense of awe. The spirits followed the customs of the people, and were impure in their practice. Prosperous harvest was no longer conferred, and there was nothing to offer for the sacrifices. Natural calamities occurred repeatedly, until there was no one who could complete his natural span of life.
“‘When (the legendary Emperor) Chuan Hsu received (the throne), he commanded Nan Cheng Chung to hold the office of Heaven so as to assemble the spirits there, and Huo Cheng Li to hold the office of Earth so as to assemble the spirits there.’ They brought about a return of the old standards, and there were no longer any mutual encroachments or over familiarity (between men and spirits). And this is what is meant by the cutting short of the communication between Heaven and Earth 9 99 (Ch9u Yii> II, 1).
What is said here shows in a general way the forms of superstition of the early Chinese. From the fact that sorcerers and witches were considered necessary to regulate the dwelling places, positions at the sacrifices, and order of precedence of the spirits, we may see how
1 These are the Chung and Li mentioned above. — T*.
24
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
numerous these spirits were. The fact that the spirits were supposed to be able to bestow happiness, receive sacrifices, and to enter into human beings, shows that they were regarded as anthropomorphic beings. And the statements that “ people and spirits were confusedly mingled,” “ people and spirits held the same position,” and “ the spirits followed the customs of the people,” show us that the actions of these spirits were looked upon as being quite indistinguishable from those of human beings. The Chinese of that time were superstitious and ignorant ; they had religious ideas but no philosophy ; so that the religion and spirits which they believed in were exactly like those of the Greeks. With the coming of the Hsia and Shang dynasties, when the concept of ‘ Heaven ’ (T’/V/x 50 and * God ’ (77 if?) arose, a mo¬ notheistic belief seems gradually to have gained influence, but at the same time there was no weakening of the old polytheism.
Thus the Tso Chuan and Kuo Yu, although frequently referring to a Heaven, also continue to speak often about the spirits. For example, in the time of King Li of the Chou dynasty (878-842), someone is reported by the Kuo Yu as having said :
“ He who is king over men must direct what is beneficial and distribute it to those above and below ; he must bring it about that among spirits, men and creatures, there are none who do not attain their apogee ” (Chou Yu, I, 4).
The Tso Chuan , under the year 706 B.c., records a speech :
“ What is meant by morality (on the part of a ruler), is to show loyalty toward the people and sincerity toward the spirits. When the ruler thinks of benefiting the people, that is loyalty. When the priest is truthful in his words, that is sincerity ” (p. 48). Again, under the year 684 :
“ When there is but small kindness, which does not reach to all, the people will not follow you. . . When there is but small sincerity, which is not perfect, the spirits will not give you happiness ” (p. 86).
And the Kuo Yu records a speech made apropos of the descent of a divine being which occurred in Hsin in 662 :
“ When a state is about to flourish, its ruler is equable, perspicacious, sincere and upright. He is refined, pure, kind and in harmonious equilibrium. His virtue is sufficient to make his sacrifice manifest, and his kindness is sufficient to unify the people. The spirits enjoy his offerings, and the people listen to him. People and spirits are without resentment. Therefore illustrious spirits descend in it (his state), to survey his virtuous government, and scatter happiness to all alike.
But when a state is about to perish, its ruler is cove¬ tous, reckless, perverted and depraved. He is licentious, lazy,
rude and careless . People and spirits feel hatred (toward
the ruler), and have nothing to cling to. Therefore the spirits then also go (to such a country), to watch his dissoluteness and send
PHILOSOPHICAL THOUGHT PRIOR TO CONFUCIUS 25
down calamity . Looking at the affair from this angle, is not
this the spirit of Tan Chu ? ” 1 ( Chou Yu, I, 12).
likewise in the Tso Chuan under the year 655 :
“ The spirits, regardless who is the man, accept only virtue .
Thus without virtue, the people will not be harmonious and the spirits will not accept the offerings. If the state of Chin seize Yu, and with illustrious virtue present fragrant offerings, will the spirits indeed reject them? ” (p. 146).
In the Kuo Yu, under the year 647, it is said that the ruler should :
“ Pacify the multitude of spirits and put in harmony the myriad of people. Therefore the Ode (HI, i. Ode 6, 6.) says : ‘ He conformed to the example of his ancestors, and the spirits had no occasion for complaint ’ ” ( Chin Yu, IV, 22).
The same work reports King Hsiang of Chou as having said in
the year 634 b.c. : .
“ Of old, when the early kings of my family held the empire, they marked out a territory of one thousand li for their own imperial domain, so as thereby to offer sacrifices to the Supreme Emperor (Shorn Ti (• &). and to the various spirits of the mountains and rivers ” v 5 ' (Chou Yu, H, 2).
The same idea is expressed in the Tso Chuan under the year 569 : “ The ruler is the host of the spirits and the hope of the
people ” (p. 466). Again under the year 541 : “ . Might this not
refer to Chao Meng ? . He has cast himself off from bot
spirits and men. The spirits are incensed against him and the people
revolt. How can he last long ? ” (p. 578).
These quotations indicate how numerous the ancient Chinese considered the spirits to be. Spirits and men are named in the same breath, and the primary duty of the ruler is said to be pacifying t e multitude of spirits and putting in harmony the myriad of people, for if this is not done, “ the spirits will be incensed against him and the people will revolt,” with the result that he will be unable to maintain his position for long. Moreover, the fact that King Hsiang of Chou speaks of the ‘ Supreme Emperor ’ (Shang Ti, i.e., God) at the same time with, but as a being distinct from, the various spirits, indicates that Shang Ti was not himself included in their number. Again, the suggestion that the spirit which descended in Hsin might be that of Tan Chu, indicates that some spirits, at least, were supposed to have once been human beings.
Not only do the Tso Chuan and Kuo Yu contain abundant re¬ ferences to spirits, but the Mo-try, in its section ‘ On Ghosts ’ (ch. 31), gives a number of ancient legends about them. Later, however, this belief in spirits diminished. Confiicius, for example, said that
« Tan Chu was the son of the legendary Emperor Yao, and because of his unworthy conduct, was deprived of the succession, which passed on to the next Sage, Shun.— Tr.
26
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
''pD*shouJd ™I»ct the spirits, but keep them at a distance” (Lwt Yd, , *••)• Ht sacrificed (ro his ancestors) as if they \Ccrc present, find sacrificed to the spirits <r.r if they were present {ibid.. Ill, 12). Again he is recorded as saying : “ When you are still unable to do your dun? to men, how can you do your duty to the spirits ? ” {ibid., Xi, 1 1). Thus Confucius already adopted a skeptical attitude toward spirits, and beiicved that even if they did exist, it was better not to discuss them. And Mo TzQ, who came after Confucius and who was a believer in spirits, bmenEcd that in his time men^ disbelief in spirits had led the world into grave disorder, thus neeessitatini' him to spend much effort attempting Lo prove their existence.
2 — Divination anu Magic
The belief was common among die ancient Chinese that a dose mutual influence existed between things in die physical universe and human affairs ; therefore all sons of divination methods were used, through which, by observing noteworthy natural phenomena fa ture misfortune or prosperity could he predicted. Thus die I:utn CM die catalogue of the Imperial Han dvnasty library now founr! m the Chitn Han Shu (ch. 30), says ;
“ The arts of divination (ihtf sh tt ft) were all supervised by the hisrorjan-divincrs, J fej and Ho, of the Ming T’ang palace,1 This pt^t of historian has long since fallen into disuse, and the books pertaining to it cannot be complete. Nevertheless, there are still some Of these books extant, whereas the men themselves no lonver
men' chlwf Ch™&i) “P : ‘If there be nor the proper
men, the \\i\ should not be emptily pursued without them1 (p. 399).
PTES Ch ru Ql1U,i^flli* thc state of Lu had Txu Shcoi Cheng lad 1 ei Tsao, Chin had Pj Yen, and Sung liad TzU Wei. During
,hp| P"lljd,Qf thi' Sl* J?**1™ fIC> Warring Stares), the state of Ch’u
Zd SlSff aT ,f ih Sh“t Fu- Tht dynasty lias
S” T“E Tu. These arc all men who have obtained a general
(knowledge of these magic arts) - When arranged, the ms of
divination tali into six classes " (ch. 30, p. 50).
___ Uf thcse st3C ciassts’ is astrology, of which thc I-wa, Chii,
* . “t As“ology (/’;>« 3; *)is used to arrange in order thc tweotr-
«ght mans,ons and note the progressions ofthe five planets and of the sun and the moon, so as to record thereby the manifestations of fortune and misfortune. It h in this wav that the Sage- kinir conduct! government. TJie I says : ‘ Looking’ at the sig^VS C” origther£by inruns the changes of the seasons ’ (p. 231) 43>
™£2*+T£!2£z SSSSfcar-*
,l*+fc ti|C nvtcicy-rigbL Chlrvcic Kfjmidhtiafii.^-TfL
PHILOSOPHICAL THOUGHT PRIOR TO CONFUCIUS 27
The second is connected with the almamc, of which the Lmrt Chik says :
“ Almana.cs (if p'u ® JfJ serve CO arrange the positions of the four seasons in order, to adjust the times of the equinoxes and sol¬ stices* and to note che concordance of the periods ot the sun* mootii and five planets, so as thereby to examine into the actualities of cold and heat, life and death. Therefore the Sage-king must keep the almanac in proper order, so as to define the clothing and color regula¬ tions of the Three Systems-1 Furthermore* by his investigations, he knows the times of the conjunctions of the five planets and the sun and moon, while through his am* the miseries of calamities and the hap¬ pinesses of prosperity all appear manifest. These are the arts thru ugh which the Sage comes to know the decrees (of Heaven) ” (p. 44)*
The third is connected with the Five Elements {wh hsmg 3£ f fh which are earth, wood* metal* fire and water :
"The Five Elements are the corporeal essence* of the Five Constant Virtues/ The Sftfi (Book of History) says: * Ihc first category is called the Five Elements. The second Is railed reverent practice of the five functions * (p. 140).* This means that the five functions should be used in consonance with the Five Elements, If one's personal appearance* speech, vision, hearing and thought lose their proper oroer, the Five Elements will fall into contusion and changes will arise in die five planets. For these all proceed from the numbers connected with rhe almanac* and are divisions of one thing (i.e.j of the movements of the Five Elements). Their laws all arise from the revolutions of the Five Powers (he.* Elementsj, and if they are extended to their farthest stretch, there is nothing (in the universe) which they will not reach to" (p- 46).
The fourth method is that connected with the s talks of the divination plant* and with the tortoise shell. The first of these was the milfoil: its stalks were manipulated to give various diagrams which could be interpreted by means of the I Ckmg (Book of Changes). In the tortoise shell method1 a hole was partly bored through the shell, so that the application of heat would form crack s which could be interpreted as an answer to the question asked. The l-urt?t Chik says of these two divination methods :
*d The divination plant {shih :§) and the tortoise shell (fan ffi) are used by the Sages. The Shu says : "When you have doubts
1 Xa/t t'mt ^ iff This. was an idea promulgated by Tun* Chudf^ihu of the Former ilm dvnxilv, who LlcfiJared chlT the Hah dynaiiy h ad iiwu rtted bhek if its ruling color* thfi Shuig djTiiity had assumed whin?, and the Chou red. Mini thut these colors aud thetr accompanying clothing woutd recur in succeeding dynasties in endless sucL-ov.iufi. L/. the ehiiprrr on him In VoL II af the Chw™ edition of (hu work. Ta.
a J2“h a Th:ie ire the Confudan Times of benevobnee, righttiOUiftas,
propriety in demeanor, wisdom and good faith (/rt t 1 * A* kB>- W ^
It).— Ta. .
* These sot personal appearance* speech, vision* bearing and thought,— Tl,
28
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
about any great matter, consult the tortoise shell and divination stalks 9 (p 146). And the I says : * For making certain of good
and bad fortune, and accomplishing things requiring strenuous effort, there is nothing better than the divination plant and tortoise shell. Therefore, when the Superior Man is about to do something or carry out some action, he asks, making his enquiry in words. They receive his order, and the answer comes as the echo’s response. Be the subject remote or near, mysterious or deep, he forthwith knows what will be the coming result. If these were not the most exquisite things under Heaven, would they be concerned in such an operation as this ?’ (p. 369) 99 (p. 47).
The fifth consists of miscellaneous divinations :
“ Miscellaneous divinations [tsa chan A ) serve to keep records of the phenomena of various things and to observe the manifestations of good and evil. The I says : ‘By making divinations about affairs, one may know the future 9 (pp. 464-465). These various methods of divination are not all of one kind, but that of the dream is most im¬ portant. Therefore, the Chou dynasty had officials for this form, and the Shih (Book of Odes) has records of dreams about bears, serpents, and assembled fish and banners, clear signs of (the coming of) a great man, whereby one may examine good and bad fortune. These are all collated with the tortoise shell and divination plant ” (p. 4§).
The sixth is the system of forms :
“ The system of forms (hsing J^) deals with general statements about the influencing forces in the entire nine provinces, in order to erect a walled city, its outer wall, a house or a hut. In this system of forms, the measurement and number of the bones of men and of the six domestic animals (the horse, ox, pig, sheep, dog and fowl) ; also the containing capacities of vessels ; are examined, so as to find out whether their sound and matter are noble or mean, and are of good or evil omen. This is like the pitch-pipes, each of which, according to whether it is long or short, produces its own special sound. This is not because of the existence of divine beings, but is the natural result of their own measurement. Thus form and matter are like the head and tail (of an animal). There are some things which have form but are without matter ; and some which have matter but no form. These are fine and abstruse differences ” (pp. 49-50).
The most frequently recorded of these six kinds of divination in the Tso Chuan are those of the divination plant, tortoise shell and the miscellaneous group. The first two are often mentioned, while the miscellaneous class would include all the divinations of dreams which the Tso Chuan records. The ‘ system of forms 9 is also referred to in the Tso Chuan when it speaks of one Shu Fu, Historian of the Interior of Chou, who was able to read human physiognomy.*
* Tso Chuan % p. 267.
PHILOSOPHICAL THOUGHT PRIOR TO CONFUCIUS 29
Likewise, Hsiin Tzil has a chapter, * Against Physiognomy,’ in which he says : “ Among the ancients there was Ku-pu Tzd-ch’ing, who examined men’s figures and features, and told their good or bad fortune, while, at the present time, there is T’ang Chii of Liang. And the common people praise them ” ( Hsiin-fyl , p. 67).
The remaining three methods, those connected with astrology, the almanac and the Five Elements, are likewise all mentioned in the Tso Chuan. For example, under the year 534 b.c., when the state of Ch’u had annihilated die state of Ch’en :
“ The Marquis of Chin asked the historian Chao : ‘ Is Ch’en now going to disappear ? ’ The answer was : ‘ Not yet. .... The House of Ch’en is a branch of the descendants of Chuan Hsu (one of the earliest legendary Emperors). When the year star (i.e., Jupiter, which completes one circuit around the sun every nineteen years) was in the constellation of Shun Huo, (Chuan Hsu’s dynasty) was thereby extinguished, and Ch’en will go the same way. At present it is in the Hsi Shui constellation, at the ford of the Milky Way, and (Ch’en) will once again arise’ ” (p. 623).
Under the year 533 b.c. : .
“ In summer, in the fourth month, there was a fire in Ch en. Pei Tsao of Cheng said : ‘ In five years the state of Ch’en will be re-established \ and after fifty-two years of re-establishment it will
finally perish . Ch’en belongs to the element water. Fire is
antagonistic to water, and is under the control of the state of Ch u. Now the Fire planet (i.e.. Mercury) has appeared and kindled this fire in Ch’en, (indicating) the expulsion of Ch’u and re-establishment of Ch’en. Antagonistic elements come to their completion under the number five, and therefore I say it will be five years. The year star (Jupiter) must come five times to the constellation Shun Huo, after which Ch’en will finally perish, and Ch’u will succeed in keeping it in its possession. This is the Way of Heaven, and therefore I say fifty-two years’ ” (p. 626).
In 532 : ,
“ In spring, in the king’s first month, a (strange) star appeared in the constellation of Wu Nu. Pei Tsao of Cheng said to Tzii Ch’an : ‘ In the seventh month, on the cyclical day wu-t^u, the ruler
of Chin wiU die’ ” (p. 628).
In 527 : . ,
“ In spring, when there was about to be a great sacrifice in the temple of Duke Wu, orders had been given to all the officers to fast. Tzu Shen said : * I fear some misfortune will happen on the day of the great sacrifice, for I have seen a red and black halo which is inauspicious for it ; it is a vapour of death. Will it take effect on the officer in charge of the affair ?’ ” (pp. 658-659).'
* Cf. also under the years 525, 524 and 510 (pp- 668, 670, /40).
30
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
Some of the methods described in the foregoing quotations are obviously astrological, whereas others are combinations of methods based on the almanac and on the Five Elements. In all of them we find stress laid upon the mutual influence supposed to exist between the * Way of Heaven ’ and human affairs. In later times the Yin - yang and Five Elements school further elaborated these ideas, which were to exert a profound influence upon the succeeding period of Chinese philosophy.1
3 — Heaven and God
Besides the multitude of ordinary spirits, a Heaven (T’ien or God (77 was supposed to exist, to both of which the Shu Ching (Book of History) makes reference in its section, ‘ The Speech of T’ang ’ :
“ The sovereign of Hsia has many crimes and Heaven (T’ien)
has commanded me to destroy him . Fearing the Supreme
God (Shang Ti Jt Iff*), I dare not but punish him . and carry
out the punishment appointed by Heaven (T’ien) ” (p. 85).
Here in a speech of less than one hundred and fifty characters, we find Heaven and God referred to three times. Similarly in the Shih Ching (Book of Odes) :
“ Heaven commissioned the swallow to descend and give birth
to (the father of our) Shang . Of old, God (Ti) appointed the
warlike T’ang (founder of the Shang dynasty) to appoint the princes
of each quarter . He received the appointment without any
uncertainty in it . That Yin (i.e., Shang) should have received
the Appointment (of Heaven) was entirely right. . . .” (IV, iii, Ode 3).
Within the less than one hundred and fifty characters of this ode of eulogy, we find five references to Heaven, God, and to the receiving of Heaven’s Appointment (ming ^t). Again, in the Kuo Yu :
“ The Duke of Kuo dreamed that while he was in his ancestral temple, there appeared a supernatural being with a human face, white hair, and tiger’s claws grasping a halberd, who stood on the roof ridge of the western comer. The Duke was frightened and started to run away, but the spirit said : * Do not run away. God (Ti) has com¬ manded, saying that (the forces of) Chin have been ordered to enter your gate.’ The Duke bowed to the ground. On awakening, he summoned the historian Yin to divine the matter. The latter said to him : ‘According to what Your Lordship says, this is Ju Shou (the spirit of the western quarter), who is Heaven’s divine executioner. For each of Heaven’s affairs there is its proper official’ ” (Chin Yiiy II, 4).
In the Shih Chingy Shu Chingy Tso Chuan and Kuo Yu there are, then, frequent references to Heaven and God, among them many in¬ dicative of an anthropomorphic ShangTiy so numerous that they cannot
* Cf. ch. 7, sect. 7, pp. 159-169.
PHILOSOPHICAL THOUGHT PRIOR TO CONFUCIUS 31
all be quoted here. From the Kuo Yu quotation just given, however, we can form an idea of the relationship supposed to exist between Tien and the spirits. Shang Ti, a name which literally translated means * Supreme Emperor/ seems to have been the highest and supreme authority, who presided over an elaborate hierarchy of spirits {shen j$), who were secondary to him and paid him allegiance. This was the religious belief of a large part of the common people of China, and had probably existed since early times.
As for Heaven or Tien, this word occurs in Chinese writings with five different meanings :
(1) A material or physical Tien or sky, that is, the Tien often spoken of in apposition to earth, as in the common phrase which refers to the physical universe as * Heaven and Earth ’ ( Tien Ti $fe).
(2) A ruling or presiding Tien, that is, one such as is meant in
the phrase, ‘Imperial Heaven Supreme Emperor’ ( Huang Tien Shang Ti _h Ifr), in which anthropomorphic Tien and Ti
are signified.
(3) A fatalistic Tien, equivalent to the concept of Fate (rnng ^),
a term applied to all those events in human life over which man him¬ self has no control. This is the Tien Mencius refers to when he says : “ As to the accomplishment of a great deed, that is with
Tien ” (Mencius, lb, 14). . _ .
(4) A naturalistic Tien, that is, one equivalent to the English word Nature. This is the sort of Tien described in the Discussion on Tien ’ in the Hsun-ts^u (ch. 17).
(5) An ethical Tien, that is, one having a moral principle and
which is the highest primordial principle of the universe. This is the sort of Tien which the Chung Yung (Doctrine of the Mean) refers to in its opening sentence when it says : “ What T ien confers (on
man) is called his nature.”
The references to Tien in the Shik Ching, Shu Chtng, Tso Chuan and Kuo Yu, excluding those to the purely physical sky of type one, seem generally to designate the ruling or presiding anthropomorphic Tien of type two ; which also seems to be the type of Tien spoken of by Confucius in the Tun Yu.
4 — Beginnings of Enlightenment
During the Ch’un Ch’iu period there were also a few literati who were more enlightened, and who gradually came to lose their belief in supernatural spirits and in the so-called ‘ Way of Heaven.’ The Tso Chuan records speeches by several such men, as for example under the year 662 b.c. :
“ It is when a state is about to flourish that (its ruler) listens to his people ; when it is about to perish, he listens to the spirits ” (p. 120).
32
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
Under the year 524 :
“ The Way of Heaven is distant, while that of man is near. We cannot reach to the former ; what means have we of knowing it ? ”
that of is great ”
(p. 6/1;
And under the year 509 :
“ The state of Hsieh makes its appeal to men, while Sung makes its appeal to spirits. The offence of Sung
(p. 744).
Though these statements do not absolutely deny the existence of a c Way of Heaven * and of supernatural spirits, they already adopt the skeptical attitude expressed by Confucius that one “ should respect the spirits, but keep them at a distance ” (Lun Yu , VI, 20).
Even in early times there were also other attempts to explain the phenomena of the universe through the theory of the yin and the yang |5jjJ, that is, the two forces which represent, respectively, female and male, darkness and light, soft and hard, inactivity and activity, etc., the interactions of which were generally supposed by later Chinese thinkers to produce universal phenomena.' An explanation of this sort appears in the Kuo Yu, for the year 780 b.c., when three river valleys belonging to the House of Chou suffered from an earthquake :
“ Chou is about to perish. For the fluids (ch9i $£) of Heaven and Earth do not, of themselves, lose their proper order, and if they transgress this order it is because the people have put them into confusion. When the yang is concealed and cannot come forth, and when the yin is repressed and cannot issue out, then there are earth¬ quakes. At the present time these three rivers have suffered from an earthquake, which is because the yang has lost its proper place and has dominated the yin . The yang having lost its place and occupying that of yin, rivers and streams must necessarily be obstructed 99 2
. . (Chou Yu, I, 10).
Likewise in the Tso Chuan (under the year 644 b.c.) appears the record : “ Six fish-hawks flew backwards past the capital of Sung, which was caused by the wind.” An historian of Chou comments on this : “ This is something pertaining to the yin and the yang, which are not the producers of good and bad fortune. It is from men themselves, that good and bad fortune are produced . 99 (p. 171).
Again, the Kuo Yii records a speech under the year 494 :
The Way of Heaven is something which is filled yet not over¬ flowing, flourishing yet not arrogant. It labors to the utmost and yet boasts not about its accomplishments. The Sage observes the proper time for his actions, which is called keeping the proper time. In the times when Heaven does not take the initiative, he (the Sage)
1 c/. ch. 7, sect. 7, pp. 159 f.
2 Thi! h*5 control over what is dry, whereas the yin is moist and so controls water. — Tr.
PHILOSOPHICAL THOUGHT PRIOR TO CONFUCIUS 33
does not make a start for men. When human troubles do not arise, he does not begin them .
« It is only Earth which is able to embrace the ten thousand creatures so as to make them one, unfailing in its affairs. It gives birth to the ten thousand creatures, and bears and nourishes the birds and beasts, after which it accepts the fame (achieved by them) and combines their usefulness. Those that are beautiful and that are ugly are both brought to maturity through its nourishing and life-giving. And until the proper time has arrived, things cannot be forcibly produced. If affairs are not ready, they cannot forcibly be brought to completion .
“ One must have that whereby one may know the eternal laws of Heaven and Earth, in order to enjoy Heaven and Earth’s complete usefulness. . . . One must make use of the regularities of the yin and thejww£, and comply with the regularities of Heaven and Earth , be soft yet not yielding, strong yet not hard. • • • • Heaven lets man have his course, and the Sage accords himself with Heaven. 1S
his own propagator ; Heaven and Earth give him form , the Sage lets him develop and completes him ” 0 'wh Yu, II, 1).
The attempt to explain the phenomena of the universe through ih& yin-yang theory, though still primitive, is a step forward compared with explanations based on a T’ien, a Ti, and a multitude ot spirits. The ‘heaven’ described in this last quotation is a naturalistic one bearing strong resemblance to that of Lao Tzu, and seems to be a forerunner of Taoist philosophy.
5 — The Rise of Rationalism
Human institutions were also believed by the early Chinese to be controlled by a Tien and a Ti. Thus the Shu Ching, in its section on ‘ The Counsels of Kao Yao,’ says : .
“ Let him not have his various officers cumberers of their places. Men must act for the work of Heaven ! From Heaven come the relationships with their several duties; we are charged with those five duties, and lo 1 we have the five courses of honorable conduct l From Heaven come the several ceremonies ; from us come the observ¬ ances of these five ceremonies, and lo l they appear in regular practice
. Heaven confers its decree on the virtuous, and t“cre a^e
the five habiliments and five decorations ! Heaven punishes the guilty, and there are the five punishments to be severally used tor that purpose ! ” (pp. 55-56). Again it says : .
“ Heaven having produced the people below, appointed tor
them rulers and teachers.” ' And yet again : .
« Imperial God (Ti) in a pure manner carried his enquiries among the people below . He thereupon charged the three princes
1 Quoted in AUtuitts, I bt 3.
34
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
to labor with compassionate anxiety on the people’s behalf. Po I presented his statutes to prevent the people from rendering themselves liable to punishment ; Yii reduced to order the water and the land, and presided over the naming of the hills and rivers ; Chi spread abroad a knowledge of agriculture for the extensive cultivation of the admirable grains. When the three princes had accomplished their work, it was abundandy well with the people ” (p. 258).
Similarly the Shih Ching says :
“ Heaven gave birth to the muldtudes of people, so that they had faculdes and laws ” (m, iii. Ode 6, 1).
Without consciousness, without knowing, be in accordance with the pattern of God ” (III, i. Ode 7, 7).
By this ‘ pattern of God ’ (ti chih tse 0 ;£ fllj) is meant the political and social regulations instituted by Shang Ti. The ancient Greeks similarly supposed that the institutions of their city-states had been created by divine beings, a belief probably general among early peoples.
With the coming of the Ch’un Ch’iu period in China, however, or perhaps even before, there were men who tried to give a human interpretation to the laws and statutes, which they declared were established wholly by human beings for man’s own benefit. Thus the Kuo Yii , under a section that refers to Duke Huan of Cheng (806- 771), records an historian as saying :
“ Harmony (ho #)) results in the production of things, but identity (t’ung fp]) does not. When the one equalizes the other there comes what is called harmony, so that then there can be a luxurious growth in which new things are produced. But if identity is added to identity all that is new is finished. ”
Therefore, the early kings mixed the element earth with the elements metal, wood, water and fire, so as to bring various things to completion. The five tastes were thereby harmonized so as to become blended in the mouth ; the four limbs were strengthened to protect the body ; the six pitch-pipes were harmonized so as to make sound for the ear ; the seven ‘bodies’ 1 were put into proper adjust¬ ment so as to regulate the mind ; the eight ‘rules’ * * were regulated so as to make man complete ; the nine ‘laws’ * were established for the setting up of pure virtue ; the ten ranks (of feudalists society) were harmonized so as to lead the various organizations into orderliness ; the thousand kinds of things were produced, the ten thousand roads were completed, the hundred thousand things were calculated, the hundred million creatures were estimated, and the billion sources of
' i.e., seven orifices : the two eyes, two nostrils, two ears, and the mouth.— Tr.
* Those regulating the head, stomach, feet, thighs, eyes, mouth, ears and hands.— Tr.
»™,P°^?OVemin? the “J* *2*“^ or8ans = heart, liver, spleen, kidneys, lungs, stomach, groin, intestines and galL— Tr. 5 *
PHILOSOPHICAL THOUGHT PRIOR TO CONFUCIUS 35
income were received, this being carried out to the last extreme, reaching an infinite number. '
“ Thus, the kings, living on the lands of their nine provinces, received the billion sources of income for feeding the multitude of people. These being in orderly arrangement, they could make use of them, and there was harmony and happiness among them as if they were one. Such a condition is the ultimate of harmony.
“ Thereupon the early kings married queens from different families, sought their riches from those of different regions, selected ministers and received expostulations from officials who could offer them different opinions, and held discussions about all sorts of things. They did so because they wanted harmony. If there is only one sound, it is not worth listening to. A thing entirely the same lacks decorativeness. If there is only one taste, there is no satisfaction. And if things are made of one material, there is no solidity ” {Cheng Yu, 1).
When it is said that “ when the one equalizes the other, there is what is called harmony,” this means that if something salty, for ex¬ ample, is added to something sour, the resulting flavor will differ from its two constituents and be entirely new. What is salty is the ‘other’ of what is sour, and vice versa. This explains the opening words : “ Harmony results in the production of things.”
But if what is salty is added to what is already salty, or, as the quotation says, “ If identity is added to identity,” then there can be no production of anything new.
In the same way, if there be only one kind of sound, there can be no music no matter how often the sound be repeated; and if only one color, no decorative pattern can be produced no matter how many times the color be applied. Everything must have its ‘ other ’ or contrast to act upon it, before there can be any process of production. By thus distinguishing between ‘ harmony ’ and ‘identity,’ the speaker explains why ceremonials, music and social institutions of all kinds must inevitably become ever more elaborate.
Later on, similar ideas were to be propounded by Yen TzO (died 493 b.c.), a noted statesman of the state of Ch’i. Thus the Tso Chuan describes an incident under the year 522 :
“ After the Marquis of Ch’i had returned from his hunt. Yen Tzu was with him in the tower of Ch’uan, when Tzu Yu drove up to it at full speed. The Marquis said : It is only Chii (i.e., Tzu Yu) who is in harmony with me ! ’ Yen TzO replied. : Chii merely identifies himself with you ; how can he be considered to be in harmony with you?’ ‘Are harmony (ho) and identity (t'ung) different ? ’ asked the Marquis.
• This passage is a good example of the Chinese fondness for classifying various things under numerical categories of fives, sixes, nines, etc., and df dealing with infinite quantities. — Tr.
36
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
“Yen Tzii said : ‘ They are. Harmony may be illustrated
by soup. You have the water and fire, vinegar, pickle, salt and plums, with which to cook fish. It is made to boil by the firewood, and then the cook mixes the ingredients, harmoniously equalizing the several flavors, so as to supply whatever is deficient and carry off whatever is in excess. Then the master eats it, and his mind is made equable. So it is in the relations of ruler and minister. When there is any impropriety in what the ruler approves of, the minister caiis attention to that impropriety, so as to make what has been approved entirely correct. When there is anything proper in what the ruler has disapproved of, the minister brings forward that propriety, so as to remove occasion for the disapproval. In this way the govern¬ ment is kept in equilibrium, with no infringement of what is right, and there is no quarrelling with it in the minds of the people. ....
“ * As the early kings established the doctrine of the five tastes, so they made the harmony of the five notes, to make their minds equable and to perfect their government. There is an analogy between sounds and flavors. There are the breath, the two kinds of dances, the three kinds (of songs), the materials from the four quarters, the five notes, the six pitch-pipes, the seven sounds, the winds of the eight directions, and the nine songs, which united form perfect (music).
“ * Then there are the clear and the thick, the small and the large, short and long, fast and slow, solemn and joyful, hard and soft, lingering and rapid, high and low, the commencement and ending, the close and diffuse, by which the parts are all blended together. The Superior Man listens to such music that his mind may be com¬ posed. His mind being composed, his qualities become har¬ monious .
“ ‘ Now it is not so with Chu. Whatever you say yes to, he also says yes. Whatever you say no to, he also says no. If you were to try to give water a flavour with water, who would care' to partake of the result ? If lutes were to be confined to one note, who would be able to listen to them ? Such is the insufficiency of mere identity ’ ” (p, 684).
Another speech in the Tso Chuan , under the year 710 b.c., describes the rise of rites, music, government and laws :
He who is a ruler of men makes it his object to manifest virtue and suppress what is wrong, that he may shed an enlightening in¬ fluence on his officials, and is afraid lest he should fail in this. There¬ fore he seeks to display excellent virtue to show an example to his posterity. Thus his ancestral temple has a roof of thatch the mats in his grand chariot are only of grass ; the grand soups (used in his sacrifices) are without condiments ; and the millets are not finely cleaned. All this is to show his frugality. His robe, cap, knee- covers and mace ; his girdle, lower robe, buskins and shoes ; the
PHILOSOPHICAL THOUGHT PRIOR TO CONFUCIUS 37
crosspiece of his cap, its stopper pendants, its fastening strings and its crown : all these show his observance of the statutory measures. His gem-mats and his scabbard, with its ornaments above and below ; his belt, with its descending ends ; the streamers of his flags and the ornaments at his horses’ breasts : these show his attention to the regular degrees (of rank). The flames, the dragons, the axes and the symbol of distinction (represented on his robes) : these show the elegance of his taste. The five colors laid out in accordance with the appearance of nature : these show with what propriety his articles are made. The bells on his horses’ foreheads, their bits, and those on the carriage pole and on his flags : these show his taste for harmony. His flags, on which are represented the sun, moon and stars : these show the brightness of his intelligence.
“ Now when by virtue he is frugal and observant of the statutes, attentive to the degrees of high and low ; his character stamped on his elegant robes and his carriage ; sounded forth also and brightly displayed — when thus he presents himself for the enlightenment of his officials, they are struck with awe and dare not depart from the rules and laws ” (p. 40).
The theory here is that the ruler’s chief use of ceremonials is to awe his officials so that they will not transgress the laws.
Again, under the year 536, the Tso Chuan records a letter sent by Shu Hsiang to the famous statesman, -Tzii Ch’an, apropos of the latter’s promulgation of a law code in the state of Cheng :
11 The early kings deliberated on all the circumstances (of each crime) to make their ruling on it, and did not make (general) laws of punishment, fearing lest this should give rise to a contentious spirit among the people. But still, as crimes could not be prevented they set up for them the barrier of righteousness, sought to rectify them with government, set before them the practice of propriety and the maintenance of good faith, and cherished them with benevo¬ lence. They also instituted emoluments and (official), positions to encourage their allegiance, and strictly laid down punishments and penalties to awe them from excesses. Fearing lest these things should be insufficient, they therefore inculcated them with sincerity, urged them on by their conduct, instructed them in what was most important, employed them in a spirit of harmony, came before them in a spirit of reverence, met exigencies with vigor, and gave their decisions with firmness. And in addition to this, they sought to have sage and wise persons in the highest positions, intelligent discriminating persons in all offices, true hearted and sincere elders, and gentle an kind teachers. In this way the people could be successfully dealt with, and miseries and disaster be prevented from arising.
“When the people know what the exact laws are, they do not stand in awe of their superiors. They also come to have a contentious spirit, and make their appeal to the written words (of the laws),
38
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
hoping peradventure to be successful in their argument. They can no longer be managed. When the government of the Hsia dynasty fell into disorder, the penal code of Yu was made ; under the same circumstances of Shang, the penal code of T'ang ; and in Chou, the code of the nine punishments. These three codes all originated in times of decay. And now in your administration of the state of Cheng, you have constructed dikes and ditches, you have established a govern¬ ment which has been much spoken against, and you have framed (a law code like that of) those three codes, casting in metal a record of the punishments it provides. Will it not indeed be difficult with this to keep the people in order ? ” (p. 609).
Despite its conservative tone, this letter supplies a human explanation for the existence of law codes.
Another speech is recorded in the Tso Chuan under the year 517 :
“ I have heard our late great officer, TzQ Ch’an, say : * Ceremonials (//■ a) constitute the standard of Heaven, the principle of Earth, and the conduct of man. Heaven and Earth have their standards, and men take these for their pattern, imitating the brilliant bodies of Heaven and according with the natural diversities of Earth. (Heaven and Earth) produce the six atmospheric conditions and men make use of the Five Elements. These conditions produce the five tastes, make manifest the five colors, and make evident the five notes. When these are in excess, obscurity and confusion ensue, and the people lose their original natures.
“ ‘ Therefore ceremonials were framed to reinforce (that nature). The six domestic animals, the five beasts (of the chase), and the three kinds of sacrificial victims, existed to maintain the five tastes. The nine forms of decoration, with their six colors and five methods of display, were made to maintain the five colors. The nine songs, the winds of the eight directions, the seven sounds, and the six pitch-pipes were made to maintain the five notes (The distinctions of) ruler and subject, superior and inferior, were formed to follow the pattern of Earth's principle. Those of husband and wife, of the home and the outside world, were formed to regulate the two kinds of work (those inside and outside the home). There were instituted the re¬ lationships of father and son, elder and younger brother, aunt and sister, maternal uncles and aunts, father-in-law and connections of one's children with other members of their mother's family, and brothers-in-law : to resemble the bright luminaries of Heaven.
“ ‘The duties of government, requisitions of labor, and conduct of affairs were made to accord with the four seasons. Punishments and penalties, and the terrors of legal proceedings were instituted to make the people stand in awe, resembling the destructive forces of thunder and lightning. Mildness and gentleness, kindness and harmony, were made in imitation of the creating and nourishing action of Heaven. The people had feelings of love and hatred.
PHILOSOPHICAL THOUGHT PRIOR TO CONFUCIUS 39
pleasure and anger, grief and joy, produced by the six atmospheric conditions.
“ ‘Therefore (the early kings) carefully imitated these relations and analogies, to regulate these six impulses. To grief there belong wailing and tears ; to joy, songs and dancing ; to pleasure, beneficence ; to anger, fighting and struggling. Pleasure is bom of love, and anger of hatred. Therefore (the early kings) were careful in their conduct and sincere in their commands, decreeing misery and happiness, rewards and punishments, to control life and death. Life is a good thing ; death is an evil thing. The good thing brings joy ; the evil thing gives grief. When there is no error (in the apportionment of) joy and grief, there results a state of harmony with the nature of Heaven and Earth, which consequently car endure long’ ” (pp. 708-709).
The idea expressed here, as we see, is that the practical value of ceremonials and music, punishments and penalties, lies in preventing the people from falling into disorder, and that these have originated from man’s capacity for imitating Heaven and Earth.
Human interpretations of the sacrificial rites were also offered by certain men during this period. The Kuo Yii gives an example :
“ Sacrifice is that through which one can show one’s filial piety and give peace to the people, pacify the country and make the people settled. It cannot be put an end to. For when the desires of the people are given free rein there comes a stoppage ; with such a stoppage there comes a wasting away ; and when this wasting away continues for long without any stimulus to it, life does not prosper, so that there is no obedience (to the commands on high). When life is not prosperous, the granting of feudal fiefs can no longer take place.
“ This is why of old the early kings performed daily, monthly, seasonal and yearly sacrifice. The feudal lords omitted the daily sacrifices ; the ministers and great officials omitted the monthly ones ; and the lesser officials and common people omitted the seasonal ones. The Son of Heaven performed all-inclusive sacrifices to the various divinities and various classes of creatures. The feudal lords sacrificed to Heaven and Earth, and to the three luminaries,' as well as to the mountains and rivers in their territories. The ministers and great officials performed sacrifices to the spirits of the house and to the ancestors. The lesser officers and common people did no more than sacrifice to their ancestors .
“ Among the common people, men and women, according to days of good fortune, offer their sacrificial victims. They are reverent with the sacrificial grain contained in the vessels, show care in cleaning up, are prudent in the decorations of their clothing, and cautious in their wine offerings. They give guidance to their sons and blood relatives, follow the seasonal sacrifices, are pious in their ancestral worship, and conduct their words along harmonious paths.
• The sun, moon, and the stars considered as one group. — Tr.
40
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
so as to make illustrious their sacrifices to the early ancestors. They are reverent and solemn as if someone were overlooking them.
“ Thereby local friends and relatives through marriage, elder and younger brothers and blood relations, are united. Thereby all sorts of abuses are stopped ; the evils of slander are rooted out ; those who are friends are united ; relatives are drawn into a common bond ; and both superiors and inferiors are put at rest, so as thus to extend and strengthen the family. It is through these sacrifices that those above teach the people proper respect, and those below make manifest their service to their superiors.
“ When the Son of Heaven performs the great sacrifice and the suburban sacrifice, he must himself shoot the sacrificial victims, and his queen must herself pound the sacrificial grain. The feudal lords when they perform their ancestral sacrifices, must themselves shoot the ox, stab the sheep, and kill the pig, and their consorts must themselves pound the grain for the vessels. All the more, then, among those below, who would dare not be reverent and full of awe in serving
the various spirits ? . It is through the sacrifices that the unity
of the people is strengthened, and why, then, should they abandon them ? * (Ch'u Yuy II, 2).
* Reverent and solemn as if someone were overlooking them 9 : that is, there need not be a supernatural being actually overlooking the ceremony at all. If sacrifice is performed with this knowledge, its only use would seem to be to serve as a pretext for bringing the local clan members and relatives together into one assembly ; training them at the same time into a proper feeling of respect and reverence. Under such circumstances the real value of sacrifice lies in the fact that through it 1 the unity of the people is strengthened/ Look¬ ed at from this viewpoint, sacrifice becomes the sort of thing which the Confucian philosopher, Hsiin Tzii, describes as : “ Among superior men it is considered to be a human practice ; among common people it is considered to be a serving of the spirits 99 (Hsun-fitffy p. 245). Another speech in the Kuo Yu runs in similar strain :
“ Sacrifices are the great institutions of a state, and institutions are what enable a government to be successful. Therefore the sacrifices are carefully regulated so as to serve as institutions for the state. . .
" The regulations drawn up by the Sage-kings governing sacrifice, provide that to those whose laws had permeated among the people, there should be offered sacrifice ; to those who had died through their industriousness, there should be sacrifice ; to those through whose efforts the country had been pacified, there should be sacrifice ; to those who had warded off great natural calamities, there should be sacrifice ; and to those who had resisted tribulations, there should be sacrifice. Those not in these classes were not put on the sacrificial records. ...”
PHILOSOPHICAL THOUGHT PRIOR TO CONFUCIUS 41
The account lists a large number of historical and legendary worthies who through their actions had merited a place at the sacrifices, and then continues :
“ The great sacrifice, the suburban sacrifice (made to Heaven in winter and Earth in summer), the sacrifices to those ancestors who have done great deeds, and to those who have displayed remark¬ able virtue, and sacrifices performed to show gratitude : these five are the sacrifices on the statute books of the state. In addition are the spirits of the soil and grain, and of mountains and rivers, all of whom have accomplished outstanding deeds on behalf of the people. As to the sage and virtuous men of former times, it is through them that shining sincerity has been created. As to the three luminaries in Heaven, they are what the people look up to with reverence. As to the Five Elements on Earth, these are what induce life and propagation. As to the famous mountains, rivers and marshes of the nine provinces, it is from these that useful natural resources are derived. Anything not in the above classes is not put in the records to be sacrificed to ” (Lu Yii, I, 9).
Here it is a feeling of gratitude that supplies the motive for sacrificing. Thus looked at, sacrifice becomes indeed a ‘ human practice,’ rather than a 1 serving of the spirits.’
With such human interpretations being given to social institutions, it is not surprising that the ruler likewise tended to become divested of that divine right which had formerly rendered him incapable in the eyes of the people of committing any wrong. The Kuo Yii gives an instance :
“ The people of the state of Chin killed Duke Li (580-573), and the people of the frontier announced the news (to the state of Lu). Duke Ch’eng (590-573) was then at court. The Duke said : ‘ When a subject has killed his ruler, whose is the blame ? ’ None of the great officials made reply, but Li Ko said : * It is the fault of the ruler. For the awesome power of a ruler is great, and when this power to awe is lost to such an extent that he is killed by someone, his blame must be great. Moreover the ruler exists to shepherd his people and rectify their errors. If he, himself, pursues secret debauches and disregards the affairs of his people, the people will not be rectified when they are in error, so that the evil will become greater. If with evilness he supervises the people, he will fall and be unable to get up. And if he is unwilling to employ the virtuous exclusively, he will find himself unable to employ anyone. When such (a ruler) comes to his doom, there is no one to mourn for him, and of what good then is he ? ’ ” (Lu Yii, I, 15).
Also the Tso Chuan, under the year 510 b.c. :
** Chao Chien Tzu asked the historian Mo, saying : ‘ The head
of the Chi family expelled his ruler, yet the people submitted to him, and the feudal lords assented to what he had done. His ruler has
42
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
died outside (of his state of Lu), and no one has incriminated him (i.e., the head of Chi).’
“ Mo replied : ‘ Things are produced in twos, in threes, in fives
and in pairs." Hence Heaven has three luminaries, Earth has the Five Elements. The body has the left and right (sides), and every¬ one has his mate or double. Kings have their dukes, and princes have their ministers who are their assistants. Heaven produced the Chi family to be the assistant of the Marquis of Lu, and this has been the case for long. Is it not right that the people should submit in this case ? The rulers of Lu have, one after another, followed their mistakes, and the heads of the Chi family have, one after another, diligently improved their position. The people have forgotten their ruler, so that, though he has died abroad, who pities him ? The altars of the grain and soil are not always maintained (by the same ruler), and the positions of rulers and ministers are not ever unchang¬ ing ; from of old it has been so . The surnames of the sovereigns
of the three (previous dynasties) are now borne by men among the common people ; as you know’ ” (p. 741).
Certainly such approval of a minister murdering his ruler is a re¬ volutionary idea for that time. Despite the occasional grandiloquence of the Tso Chuan and Kuo Yu, and their literary elaborations, the fundamental ideas expressed in the speeches which have been quoted from them all undeniably show a human bent. In ancient Greece the Sophist Protagoras said that “ Man is the measure of all things,” which is an idea also implied in the foregoing quotations. The men who made these speeches, however, were aQ either hereditary historians, or were nobles active in government, and so, unlike the Greek Sophists, were not in a position to discuss and propagate their ideas. Hence for the important contributions to Chinese thought, we must continue to look to such men as Confucius, Mo Tzu and the other later philosophers.
CHAPTER IV
CONFUCIUS AND THE RISE OF CONFUCIANISM
More is known about the life of Confucius than of any other early Chinese philosopher, owing chiefly to the long chapter (ch. 47) devoted to him in the Shift Chi (Historical Records). According to this chapter, he was bom in 551 b.c. in the state of Lu, somewhere near the present town of Chiifu in Shantung. His ancestors were of the Royal House of Sung (a state south-west of Lu in present Honan), but his great grandfather had moved to Lu, where the family became impoverished. Thus Confucius, like many of the travelling philosophers and politicians of succeeding centuries, came from a class of society which, while of noble origin, had fallen upon hard times. The name, Confucius, is a latinization of K’ung Fu Tzu H -?> meaning Master K’ung ; his given name is Ch’iu j£ ; and his cognomen Chung-ni Jg.
Confucius is supposed to have lost his father, who had been a military officer of considerable prowess in Lu, when he was but three years old, and to have been brought up by his mother. When he was nineteen he married, and about the same time entered upon his official career in Lu, being first a keeper of grain stores and then in charge of the public lands. After passing through many experiences, the authenticity of which is doubtful— among them being a prolonged stay of several years in the neighboring state of Ch’i — he reached his highest position in 501 b.c. by becoming Prime Minister of Lu. So great was his success in this post, that the state of Ch’i, according to the Shih Chi, fearing his growing influence, sent a present of female dancers and musicians to the Lu ruler, who thereupon neglected the affairs of state. Full of disappointment, Confucius resigned his position and, accompanied by many of the disciples who had now gathered around him, set out in 497 upon wanderings which were to last for thirteen years. During this time, he travelled through many of the feudal states of China, staying now in one and then in another, and undergoing many hardships and dangers. At last he returned to his native state, where he spent the last three years of his life engaged in literary studies and in teaching his disciples. He died in 479 b.c., and was buried in the district of Chiifu, where his tomb is still to be seen.'
1 These two paragraphs do not occur in the original text, but have been added for the benefit of westerners who are not so familiar with the life of Confucius as is the Chinese reader. — Tr.
44
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
Besides the above general sketch, the Shih Chi supplies us with considerable detailed information concerning his activities as a teacher and his character :
“In the time of Confucius, the House of Chou had declined and the rites and music had fallen into neglect. The Shih (Book of Odes) and Shu (Book of History) had become defective. (Con¬ fucius) made researches into and transmitted the rites of the Three Dynasties (Hsia, Shang and Chou), and arranged in order the recitals in the Shu. Starting from the epoch of T’ang and Yii (i.e., the legendary Emperors Yao and Shun), and coming down to that of (Duke) Mu of Ch* *in (659-621), he grouped and classified their events. .... Observing the suppressions and additions (in the rites) made by Yin and Chou, he said : * Even after one hundred generations
they will still be known.* . . . . ‘ Chou had the advantage of surveying the two preceding dynasties. How replete was its culture ! I follow Chou.* 1 Thus the records of the Shu and the U Chi (Book of Rites) both come to us from Confucius.
“ Once, when talking to the great music master of Lu, Confucius said : ‘ Music may be understood. The attack should be prompt and united, and as the piece proceeds, it should do so harmoniously, with dearness of tone and continuity of time, until its conclusion (III, 23). It was only after my return from Wei to Lu that the music was revised, and the secular and sacred pieces were properly discrim¬ inated* (IX, 14).
“ In ancient times the Shih comprised more than three thousand pieces, but when it reached Confucius he threw out duplications, retaining those which could be used to exemplify the rites and justice. .... Confucius played on the zither and sang the three hundred and five pieces (comprising the present Book of Odes). ... It was from this time that the rites and music could be obtained and trans¬ mitted, wherewith to complete the Kingly Way, and to perfect the Six Disciplines.*
“ In his later years Confucius delighted in the I (Book of Changes), and arranged in order the T’uan, Hsi , Hsiang, Shuo Kua and Wen Yen* He read the I (so assiduously) that the thongs which bound it wore out three times, and said : 4 Give me a few more years like this, and I will come to a perfect knowledge of the /.* 4 Confucius took
* Cf. the Lun Yu (Confucian Analects) II, 23, and III, 14, which is a collection of sayings by Confudus as recorded by his disciples, and is the most reliable source con¬ cerning him. All the following quotations in this chapter, unless otherwise indicated are from the Lun Y*.— Tr.
These were the Books of Odes, History, Rites, Changes, Spring and Autumn AnnaJs, and Music, which formed the basis of Confucian learning. On them see especially ch. 16. It is uncertain whether ‘ Music * was actually the name of a book, or was simply a subject of study. — Tr.
• These, with their subdivisions, comprise the 4 Ten Wings * or Appendices to the text of the / Ching proper. See ch. 15, sea. 1, pp. 379-382.— Tr. t 4 L*r Yu, VlJ, 16, but there the text differs somewhat and difficulties. — Tr.
presents special
CONFUCIUS AND THE RISE OF CONFUCIANISM 45
the Shift, Shu, rites and music to teach to his disciples, who numbered about three thousand. Those who, in their own person, became conversant with the Six Disciplines, numbered seventy-two .
‘“When he (Confucius) was in his native village, he bore himself with simplicity, as if he had no gifts of speech. But when in the ancestral temple or at court, he expressed himself readily and clearly, yet with a measure of reserve * (X, 1). ‘At court, when conversing with the higher great officials, he spoke respectfully. ^ When convers¬ ing with the lower great officials, he spoke out boldly ’ (X, 2). ‘ When he entered the palace gate, he appeared to stoop’ (X, 4). When he hastened forward, it was with a respectful appearance ’ (X, 3). ‘ When the prince summoned him to receive a visitor, his expression seemed to change’ (X, 3). ‘When his prince commanded his presence, he did not wait for the carriage to be yoked, but went off on foot ’ ( X, 13).
‘ Fish that had spoiled, or meat that had gone bad, or something im¬ properly cut, he would not eat’ (X, 8). ‘He would not sit on his mat unless it was straight ’ (X, 9). ‘ When he dined by the side of a mourner, he never ate to repletion. On the same day that he had been mourning, he never sang ’ (VII, 9). ‘ Whenever he saw a person in mourning, or one who was blind, even though it were a young boy, he always changed countenance ’ (IX, 9 ; X, 16). (The Master said :)
‘ When walking in a party of three, my teachers are always present ’ (VII, 21). (Again :) * Neglect in the cultivation of character ; lack of thoroughness in study ; inability to move toward recognized duty ; and inability to correct my imperfections : these are what cause me solicitude’ (VII, 3). ‘When he had induced a person to sing, if the song were good he would have it repeated, joining in the melody himself ’ (VII, 31). * The Master would not discuss prodigies, prowess, lawlessness, or supernatural beings ’ (VII, 20). ...
“ Then, utilizing the historical records, he composed the Ch'un Ch'iu (Spring and Autumn Annals), going back to Duke Yin (of Lu, 722-712) and coming down to the fourteenth year of Duke Ai (481 B.C.), (a total of) twelve dukes (In his history) he took the state of Lu as his basis, kept close to Chou, dealt with Yin as a time of the past, and circulated (the principles of) the Three Dynasties. His style was concise, but his meaning rich. Thus, when the rulers of Wu and Yiieh (improperly) style themselves Kings, the Ch'un Ch'iu reproves them by giving them (their proper tide of) Viscount. And at the meeting of Chien-t’u (in 632), when the Chou Emperor had actually been ordered to attend (by Duke Wen of Chin), the Ch un Ch'iu avoids mentioning this fact by saying : ‘The celcsdal King went hunung at Ho-yang.’ (Confucius) offered examples of this sort to serve as rules for his own age. And if later on there be kings who will arise and bring out the meaning of the censures and abase¬ ments, so that the meaning of the Ch un Ch iu becomes generally known, at that time rebellious subjects and criminals in the world
46
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
will become seized with terror ” 1 (Mim. Air/*, V, 390-398, 40CM03, 40(5-412, 420-422).
Such is the concept of Confucius that has held sway In China for the last two thousand years ; yet a study of this biography, to-day, reveals many points which cannot possibly be in accordance with facts* It nevertheless remains noteworthy that SsO-ma Ch’ien (145-c, 86 s-c.}, the author of the $hih Clhi% still regarded Confucius as a human person at a Lime when many men were aJ ready coming to look upon him as a divine being. Where he bases himself on the Luti Yff9 his statements are for the most part trustworthy* What remains an open question, however, is the relation of Confucius to the Books of Changes, Odes, History, Rites, and Spring and Autumn Armais, and to the Music, which comprise the so-called Six Disciplines. This problem will be discussed in the following section*
1— ' Tim Position of Confucius in Chinese History
It has long been maintained by the New Text school of classical study that the Six Disciplines were composed by Confucius himself, whereas the Old Text school has maintained that he was merely their transmitter, so that both schools have at least agreed in sav¬ ing tliat Confucius was closely connected with them. My own opinion on this subject is that they could not possibly have been originated by Confucius himself, because they were almost certainly already in existence during the OTun Ch’iu period, that is, prior to his time.
Much evidence lias already been brought forward by past and present-day scholars to prove this point, and I, myself, have: also dis¬ cussed the matter elsewhere,* and nence need not take it up in detail here. Though Confucius could not have composed the Six Disciplines himself, however, he did use them to teach his disciples, which is probably why later ages have supposed, nor entirely without reason, that Confucius had a special connection with them.
Yet even this use of the Six Disciplines for teaching need not necessarily have commenced with Confucius, for the Km Yu informs us concerning a crown prince of QYu, ion of King Chuang of Chru (613-591), that the prince was given instruction In such works as the * Odes/ * Rites/ * Music/ £ Spring and Autumn/ and * Old Records/1 Both the Yu and TVs Chum record numerous conversations be¬ tween important personages, in which the ‘Odes* and * History1 are frequently mentioned ; while the 4 Rites 1 (U) were used In diplomatic relations, and rhe "Changes* (I) in divination. This
* Memvtr \m> % ft* a senteocr %lm Ike to these hat wt?rck Down to the day. matt Qurkcsc hive dung to thk 1 praise anU cam) te r theory C*f 4m? Ot1™ CYixp ana many ajcnmaitarics have been wrinctj 10 expbin the esoteric meifimga to be found beneath us cqrtekc (ihjr.u£s.— Tn.
2 Cj. K rtM£ i fM Cw U-lMA dak Tlaii (The Position of Corfu clou*
in Gjlrirtf Histury). in ibe S&ih Pim Vo|. 2-
J cy. CA'm Yu, I, 1.
CONFUCIUS AND THE RISE OF CONFUCIANISM 47
indicates that an education of this sort was acquired by a portion, at least, of the nobility of that time. Confucius was the first man, however, to use the Six Disciplines for teaching the common people. This point will be taken up in detail later.
Here I need only say that in his method of teaching, Confucius differed from the philosophic schools which followed him, inasmuch as these all emphasi2ed the fact that they taught doctrines originating in their own school. Chapter XXXIII of the Chuang-t%u (p. 442), for example, tells us that the disciples of the Mohist school all intoned the 4 Mohist Canons.’ Confucius, on the other hand, was an educationalist. His aim in teaching was to nurture and develop a person so that he might become someone who would be useful to his state, rather than to produce a scholar belonging to any one philosophic school. Hence he taught his pupils to read and study a wide variety of books and subjects, so that we find a disciple saying of him : “ He has broadened me by culture and restrained me by the
usages of good conduct ” (IX, 10). Likewise the Chuang-t^ti (ch. 33) says with reference to the Confucians : “ The Shih describes
aims ; the Shu describes events ; the Li (Rites) directs conduct ; the Yiieh (Music) secures harmony. The / (Book of Changes) shows the principles of the jin and the yang. The Ch'un Ch’iu shows distinctions and duties ” (p. 439). These were the six works which were the subjects of study of the Confucian school.
Because of such catholicity, the accomplishments of the disciples of Confucius were also not all of one pattern. Thus the Lun Yu says : “ Noted for moral character were .... (here and below
follow names of disciples) ; for gifts of speech, . ; for administra¬
tive ability, . . . . ; and for literature and learning, . . . .” (XI, 2). Again, the